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Los Zetas to Priest: "So You Don't Think We Can Kill you"?

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Borderland Beat
“They thought that they were going to find information that will demolish my moral authority, but they will not find anything else than the word of Jesus. Hope it is useful”….Stated  by Fr. Solalinde after Zetas stole his laptop
o  Zetas prefer that the shelter of Ixtepec stay open
o  PRI Government spread negative images of Central Americans, he points out.
o  He insists that he will not accept a bureaucratic position in the Church
Ixtepec, Oaxaca  “Two members of the Zeta Cartel told me here, inside the shelter: “Do you think that we cannot kill you? We don’t do it because if we do, the shelter will close and then the migrants will go to other places, we will have to look for them everywhere!  We prefer that they stay here” the catholic  priest Alejandro Solalinde Guerra, stated in an interview. Solalinde is responsible for  the shelter Hermanos Del Camino.
“It is different here than in Lecheria (passing point of immigrants in the state of Mexico). One of those responsible for causing us many problems is drug traffickers. We are not perusing them, because we are not police. I am not a policeman; I wasn’t placed here to chase drug traffickers. But, they are the ones that harm the immigrants  and I have had to intervene,” he adds.
The criminalization against the migrants has been very high. However, one positive change is the PRD town city council has changed their attitude.
He notes that the PRI government, spread in the media a very bad image of the immigrants.   Central Americans that are passing by the shelter, are targeted by the government and organized crime groups.

His computer was stolen
After travelling through Europe for about a month he returned  to Mexico,  after receiving 6 death threats on June 9th.  The priest is  the coordinator of the Human Mobility of Social Pastoral of the diocese of Tehuantepec, Oaxaca and founder of the migrants shelter Hermanos Del Camino. He returned to Ixtepec,  Mexico on July 12th, to continue with the defense of the Immigrants.
The day that he returned to that municipality of Oaxaca, as signal of the territory that he is stepping on and despite that being safeguarded by police, his laptop computer was stolen.
“They thought that they were going to find information that will demolish my moral authority, but they will not find anything else than letter of Jesus. Hope it is useful”, Solalinde Guerra highlights. He mentions that the most confidential and critical information is on 60 notebooks that are in a safe place in Mexico City.
The generalized opinion between the people of Ixtepec about Priest Alejandro Solalinde is positive, although some of them don’t know much about his work or know the shelter. He is only questioned about the fact he doesn’t officiate mass.
He will leave the coordination of the pastoral of the diocese of Tehuantepec. Regarding that, he points out that he will not accept any bureaucratic or office position, instead he will continue with his mission, which is  greater dignity for migrants.
He explains that security protocol of the shelter was designed by the United Nations Organization and that he as well as the members of his work team count with precautionary measures.
There are guards with assault rifles are inside and out of the shelter. There is a perimeter wall build with church resources and surveillance cameras. We are still working with the illumination of the train tracks knows as La Bestia (the beast).
“I opened this shelter as a space for freedom. It is no use to just turn it into a plain kitchen. They should have their house here, the house of the migrants, but the security is necessary for now, because if not the maras, zetas or whomever would get in and we wouldn’t be able to control that if it is not coordinated with the authorities”, he expose.
He assures that the behavior of the migrants in the shelter is good; they participate in the cleaning chores and cook, some of them clean the train tracks, others participate in the construction of the walls and dormitories. A female group attends the train arrival.
                               Atop "The Beast"El Norte bound  in search of the American Dream (Source Bartlett)
Going home: depleted resources, 3 Guatemalan brothers give up after being dumped by the US
 at the Mexican POE, for the 3rd time, they decide to go home (source:Chivis-Borderland Beat)
They, he continues, register the people that will stay in the shelter in a data base with photographs, to have a record of the people that pass by. That is how is done in the other shelters in the route north of Mexico. Women separate from men; some that are pregnant decide to stay until the give birth.
The joy of not being "essential"
I am intransigent (inflexible) so the police respect the migrants. But it is also true that we are still in danger; for that reason we need the police. I would say that our shelter is safer today because it is the only place where the police can socialize (with migrants) and become  aware of the situation, Solalinde says.

After being in Europe, I realized that I needed to rest. My nerves were destroyed. I rested, praying comforted me. It is very hard, it is the cross that I have to carry, but there is no Jesus without the cross, he shares.
While I was out, the shelter functioned well. The volunteer team and Medicos sin Fronteras (Doctors with no borders) took charge. That is when I realize that I am not essential and that gave me joy, he concluded.

Source: La Jornada

Two videos below depict the journey of the Central American economic migrant.  In the moving top video I was struck by "Frank", a bit cocky initially, but he melts by emotion when describing the journey migrants make, "porque es duro, es duro" (its hard) says Frank, as he dissolves into tears....Paz, Chivis



 


Federal Police: "Zetas and CDG are the Two Cartels Engaging in Kidnapping"

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Borderland Beat

Tamaulipas is the hot spot  and number "1" for kidnappings....

(Proceso)
Los Zetas and the Gulf cartels are the two groups of organized crime that the Federal Police (PF) has identified as the major criminal organizations engaged in kidnappings in the country of Mexico.

Benito Armando Espinosa, head of the Research Division PF reported that the highest number of kidnappings that is registered in the country is in the state of Tamaulipas. The commissioner explained that they have been identified as both cartels operate in the north and south, through kidnappings against businessmen, who were charged'' dues'' or even intimidated by gun attacks with their trucks. ''

The operation of kidnapping in the north, almost always we see that the state of Tamaulipas where there is the most kidnappings . Cells of the Gulf cartel and the cells of Los Zetas both operate in Tamaulipas, These criminal groups are operating in the same way in the south, in the area of Veracruz, Tabasco, and Chiapas but less there.

We know that the Gulf and Los Zetas are in these areas and also operating in the same way, taking entrepreneurs, depriving them of their freedom and forcing them to ask their employers for money,'' said the official.

La Familia Michoacana and The Knights Templar are also identified as criminal groups that engage in kidnappings in the central part of Mexico, who choose their victims mostly from the vehicles they drive, the clothes they wear or the places they frequent. ''

In the central there are people who are now living well with a good car. We see that also in the Zacatecas area where also Los Zetas as well as La Familia Michoacana are operating kidnapping cells, said Armando Espinosa.

Although the commissioner said that currently there are no groups who mutilate their victims, but they have detected and mention that there are different types of kidnapping involving women, than men and even children. In addition to these groups are people posing as criminal organizations, which hold the kidnapping without a well-structured, planned organization of cells , and believe it or not there are people who fake their own kidnapping.

This post:
originated from Proceso, then translated ∧ posted on Borderland Beat Forum by Havana

Mexican Prison’s Security Chief Gunned Down

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The security chief of the prison in Culiacan, the capital of the northwestern Mexican state of Sinaloa, was gunned down, police said.

Alejandro Osuna Rios was murdered on Friday in front of his house, police said.

The 36-year-old Osuna Rios had been in charge of security at the prison for four months.

Osuna Rios was attacked by several gunmen riding in two SUVs as he stood in front of his house with his wife and son in the Villas del Manantial district.

Sinaloa state Attorney General’s Office investigators found 44 bullet casings and an ammunition clip for an AK-47 at the crime scene, as well as the officer’s service weapon.

Osuna Rios, who had just started his vacation, did not have time to draw his 9 mm pistol and return fire, police said.

Sinaloa is currently the scene of a bloody turf war among several cartels.

The state is home to the drug cartel led by Joaquin “El Chapo” (Shorty) Guzman, who was arrested in Guatemala in 1993 and pulled off a Hollywood-style jailbreak when he escaped from the Puente Grande maximum-security prison in the western state of Jalisco on Jan. 19, 2001.

The Sinaloa organization, sometimes referred to by officials as the Pacific cartel, is the oldest and most powerful drug cartel in Mexico.

The Sinaloa cartel, according to intelligence agencies, is a transnational business empire that operates in the United States, Western Europe, Eastern Europe, the Americas and Asia.

About 50,000 people have died in Mexico’s drug war since December 2006, when President Felipe Calderon declared war on the country’s powerful cartels, sending soldiers into the streets to fight criminals.

Source: The Associated Press

July 30th Badanov's Buzzkill Bulletin

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By Chris Covert
Rantburg.com

Since July 11th Mexican Army and naval forces have seized a total of 3,979.22 kilograms of marijuana, 160.454 kilograms of methamphetamine, 1,120 liters of liquid methamphetamine, 2,375 kilograms of methamphetamine in solid form, 1 kilogram of cocaine, USD $3,171,780.00 (MX $41,988,975.14) and MX $950,000.00 (USD $71761.48) in cash.
  • A Mexican Army unit with the 2nd Military Zone seized quantities of drugs and guns in Baja California state July 18th.  The raid took place in Mexicali municipality in the Villa Hermosa colony on Avenida Antonio de Mendoza where soldiers found a total of 158.9 kiolgrams of methamphetamine packaged in 40 bags.  Also seized were three rifles, one handgun, 12 weapons magazines, 220 rounds ammunition, two vehicles and other contraband.
  • Another army unit with the Mexican 2nd Military Zone located a quantity of drugs and guns in Tijuana municipality in Baja Calfornia state. The raid took place in Villafontana colony, La Presa Delegation where seized drugs included 1.745 kilograms of methamphetamine.  Weapons and other contraband seized included one handgun, 40 rounds of ammunition, one fragmention hand grenade and one vehicle.
  • A Mexican Army unit with the 15th Military Zone detained one individual at a traffic stop in Octalan, Jalisco state July 11th.  Soldiers found one handgun, 18 rounds of ammunition, one weapons magazine, a radio and a motorcycle.
  • On July 12th, an army unit with the Mexican 15th Military Zone located quantities of chemicals used on the manufacture of synthetic drugs in Ciudad Guzman municipality in Jalisco state.  Soldiers found 5,700 liters of an undisclosed chemical precursor in 27 bins and five drums.
  • On July 15th Mexican Army units with the 15th Military seized quantities of weapons in in El Grande municipality.  Weapons and munitions seized included seven rifles, two handguns, 31 weapons magazines, 711 rounds of ammunition, tactical gear and seven vehicles.
  • An army unit with the Mexican 8th Military Zone seized more than three tons of marijuana in Tamaulipas state July 18th.  The army unit was on patrol in Ciudad Miguel Aleman when it happened upon an abandoned building containing 3,178.6 kilograms of marijuana in 730 packages.
  • On July 21st a Mexican Army unit with the 9th Military Zone located a hidden drug laboratory used to make synthetic drugs in Sinaloa state. The unit was on patrol near the village of Aguajito de León in Rosa Morada Sindicatura in Mocorito municipality when it found the lab hidden in the brush.  Among the contraband found was 2,375 kilograms of methamphetamine in solid form, 1,120 liters of liquid methamphetamine, 325 kilograms of caustic soda, 30 kilograms of sodium acetate, 410 liters of alcohol, 600 liters of acetic anhydride, 150 liters of toluene, 50 liters of methylamine, 40 liters of hydrochloric acid, 1,280 liters of a liquid substance unknown, 6 reactors of organic synthesis as well as Various equipment.
  • An Mexican Army unit with the 9th Military Zone found an abandoned stolen vehicle with guns inside in Sinaloa state July 22nd.  The patrol found the vehicle in Adolfo Lopez Mateos colony in Culican municipality.  Soldiers seized three rifles, two handguns, two grenade launcher attachments, four grenades, 30  weapon magazines. 560 rounds of ammunition and 15 radios.
  • An army unit with the Mexican 15th Military Zone found quantities of chemicals used to manufacture synthetic rugs in Jalisco state July 20th.  The seizure took place in Guadalajara municipality where the unit located a warehouse.  A total of 9,000 liters of undisclosed chemicals in 47 barrels, 44 bags of an undisclosed amount of methamphetamine and six containers with 60 liters of an undisclosed chemical substance.  Two vehicles were also seized by the army.
  • On July 21st a Mexican Army unit with the 15th Military Zone located weapons and munitions on the highway between Sayula and San Gabriel in Jalisco state.  Soldiers seized two handguns, 11 weapons magazines  and 225 rounds ammunition.
  • An army unit with the Mexican 15th Military Zone detained an unidentified individual in Ocotlan in Jalisco finding .62 kilograms of marijuana July 22nd.
  • A Mexican Army unit with the 9th Military Zone detained one unidentified individual near the village of Potrerillos in Mocorio in Sinaloa state July 23rd.  Soldiers also seized two rifles, one handgun, nine weapons magazines, 224 rounds of ammunition and tactical gear.
  • An army unit with the Mexican 6th Military Zone located a quantity of marijuana and weapons in Piedra Negras municipality in Coahuila state July 25th.  A total of 800 kilograms of marijuana was found in a building along with 10 rifles, four weapons magazines, 3,751 rounds of ammunition and a live jaguar.
  • July 23rd a Mexican naval infantry unit detained four individuals said to be members of Los Zetas criminal cartel in Puebla state, and seized quantities of drugs, cash and weapons.  The detainees were identified as William de Jesus Torres Solorzano, Yanela Perez Vargas, Felipe de Jesus Cortez Sanchez and Jesus Jimenez Lopez Germain.  Marines also seized two rifles,  three handguns, four weapons magazines, two hand grenades, 230 round of ammunition and one kilogram of cocaine.  Cash seized included USD $830,000 (MX $10,987,788.00) and MX $950,000.00 (USD $71761.48).
  • In two separate operations, Mexican naval infantry forces detained five individuals said to be members of the Los Zetas criminal cartel in Veracruz state July 23 and 24th,  seizing more then MX $30 million in foreign currency..  The detainees were identified as Rafael Antonio Medina Rea, Ricardo Romero Fuyivara, Jesus Rosas Ibarra, Ruiz Feliciano Atilano and Rafael Soliz.  Contraband seized included two handguns, five hand grenades, four vehicles and communications gear.  Cash was seized in two lots, the first USD $1,610,890.00 (MX $21,325,445.00) and the second of USD $730,980.00.00 (MX $9,675,741.08)


Badanov's Burnt Blunt Special (Triple Special Edition)
  • Soldiers with the 2nd Military Zone incinerated drugs at a military base in Aguaje of Tuna in Baja California July 25th.  A total 890.547 kilgrams of marijuana and 2,708 kilograms of methamphetamine were destroyed.
  • In Santa Maria del Oro, Nayarit state, soldiers with the 13th Military Zone incinerate quantities of drugs July 25th.  789.65 kilograms of marijuana and 23.6 kilograms of marijuana seeds were destroyed.
  • Near Guayamas Sonara, Mexican naval personnel incinerated 8,703 ki8lograms of marijuana July 28th.

They're planting drugs on federal lands

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Luz del Carmen Sosa

El Diario. 7-30-2012. Namiquipa, Chih. Drug traffickers in the State of Chihuahua plant marijuana even on federal lands. Cultivation of the drug on the fertile lands in some municipalities goes unpunished  because it is too difficult for the Federal Public Ministry (federal prosecutors) to locate the owners of the marijuana.

Drug traffickers find suitable areas for this activity via satellite and they choose sites that are close to streams to make sure they have water, especially in times of drought. When these plots are located by the Federal Attorney General's Office (PGR: Procuraduria General de la Republica) or the Department of Defense (Sedena: Secretaria de la Defensa Nacional)-- from the air-- there's no way to  prosecute the owners of the property where the drugs are growing...the property belongs to the federal government.

"All we can do is initiate an investigation in the area to find out who is growing (marijuana) and try to locate the responsible parties," says PGR delegate Cesar Augusto Peniche Espejel during the destruction of the first plot found this season. The cost of the operation was not yet calculated. At least 20 federal officials participated in the operation, each with different duties, including the driver of the tank truck that transported the fuel and the two helicopter pilots.

How much marijuana was kept from reaching the market was impossible to determine. Peniche Espejel estimates that 80% of the national production (of marijuana) goes to the United States and 20% stays in the state. Securing and destroying two small plots on federal property demonstrates the capabilities of the drug trafficking industry in Chihuahua and the fight appears uneven. The federal agents must deal with human and technological shortages against the ever-more sophisticated organized crime infrastructure.

This operation was a success and the public servants celebrated. There are public officials who are trying to contain the production, planting and cultivation of drugs with limited resources and equipment, and they face internal contamination and criminal organizations that employ all their powers of corruption and violence to make sure their business succeeds, says Mexican journalist Jorge Luis Sierra.

This expert on matters of public safety and organized crime explains that these (eradication) efforts are overshadowed by the capacity of drug trafficking organizations to absorb the losses from eradication of the plots and still maintain a level of production that satisfies the demand in the U.S. and the domestic markets. According to U.S. authorities, Mexico seized six tons of cocaine in 2011, which is approximately 2% of the 300 tons of cocaine that go through Mexico bound for the United States.

"The same thing happens in the case of marijuana. Mexico seized 900 metric tons in 2011, but both countries estimate that this country has a much higher production capability. The most recent estimate was done in 2008 when the U.S. determined that Mexico had the potential to produce 21,000 metric tons of cannabis a year," he explains. 

In search of the plots

The oak and pine foliage protects the green marijuana plants. They cannot be easily seen from the air and only the experience in searching out plots that the team has, mostly made up of pilots with military training, allows the plants to be detected. These specialists guide their aircraft mostly over stream beds and arroyos, they know that the cultivated plots may be close by, and this time they were right on.  On Friday morning they located almost four acres planted with marijuana.

In a canyon located about 20 miles northwest of Namiquipa Municipality, right on communal lands of Nuevo Delicias, they located the two plots. The next day, agents of the Federal Public Ministry and Federal Ministerial Police officers, led by PGR delegate Cesar Augusto Peniche Espejel, traveled to the site to verify the finding and destroy (the crop).

In the river, recent rains have created a strong current and both the local farmers and drug traffickers are taking advantage of the water.

"The natural availability of water helps cultivation. Trees have been cleared on this side of the property to level the ground to clear the land of vegetation," explains the official at the site.

It was not easy to get to this location.  The team had to be transported by helicopter to get them to a place where there were rocks on the river bed. There, they crossed the river, then traveled for several minutes on foot. The people caring for the plot used horses to get there and it appears they fled by the same means. 

The trunks of cut trees and pine trees could be seen on the ground. Others were (left standing) to protect the plants, four plants per square yard, and although some of the plants were quite small, some had grown to almost four feet.

"They don't clear all the trees because trees help camouflage the marijuana plants," adds the PGR delegate.

The primitive irrigation system can be seen among the plants. Hoses and plastic fittings allow river water to flow, in this case with a great deal of strength because the current was strong with the recent rains.

"Rains were delayed a month this year and our marijuana plots eradication program also follows the rainy season.  In this case, the plants start growing thirty days after the first rains, and that's when we can identify the plantings," he says.

According to the federal eradication program, the PGR has 60 days to locate and destroy marijuana plots. "In the next 60 days we will locate other plots as the plants grow big enough, and, of course, there are places we haven't yet flown over where we're going to find taller plants,." he explains.

The boundaries of Namiquipa municipality contain some of the places used by drug traffickers to plant drugs. "We've located other areas in the state, and we will be locating the plots according to schedule. The important thing is to get there when they are this tall, because that won't give the traffickers an opportunity to re-plant the land. With 60 days (remaining), they can't get another crop in," he asserts.

The Army also takes part in the marijuana eradication program. That's why a joint effort is so important, because there are areas that are very difficult to access. That's where the Army comes in.

"All these eradication efforts, added to climate conditions, will inevitably increase their desperation and decrease their income, and that helps us because they will take more chances to get the drugs out and take them north," says the government official.

The Tarahumara Mountains: The Narco, tales of terror

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Patricia Mayorga

Chihuahua, Chih. 7-27-2012 (apro). - Stories of terror in Guadalupe y Calvo Municipality, located in the Tarahumara Mountains,  repeat themselves day after day, without municipal, state or federal authorities doing anything about it. In the community of Ojito, for example, an armed group last Wednesday, July 26,  executed a young man, 27 years of age. The victim, Saul Martinez Rodriguez, was decapitated in front of his relatives.

Before they cut his throat, the murderers made a 16 inch cut on his chest. Hypovolemic shock was the cause of death, according to the Southern Zone Attorney general's office.

In Guadalupe y Calvo violence is the daily bread. The last week this past June, the armed group that controls this administrative government center stripped municipal police agents of their weapons and demanded 10,000 pesos for their return.  Not satisfied with that action, on the 29th an armed group slit open a man's throat in front of the hospital.

In an interview, the mayor Jose Ruben Gutierrez Lorea admitted there are violent incidents in his area, but it's no different than what is happening in other parts of the country, he said.

On election day, this past Sunday, July 1, members of a crime group threatened officials in a voting location in the community of Tohayana, and almost three months before election day, 34 men were murdered in that area.

Gutierrez Acosta (Lorea) said he became aware that something had happened in Tohayana, but he did not admit there were murders: "Yeah, they said there was a fight over there, but that's more than a month ago. There's not even that many people there any more, most of them have gone over to a town in the other state (Sinaloa), right now there's about two families left, that's what they say."

He assured (us) that the Army patrols the area and it's gotten more peaceful, although the locals have a different opinion . Fear has forced the people in the community to lock themselves in their homes every day,  and on weekends they prefer to get out of Guadalupe y Calvo. In the last few months, the State Human Rights Commission (CEDH) has insisted that (authorities) need to investigate what's happening in that municipality, which borders the State of Sinaloa.

On several occasions, the CEDH inspector/visitor for Parral, Victor Horta Martinez, has requested that municipal police officers be provided weapons, but up to now the local authorities have not responded. There are 60 officers working three shifts in the municipality, and a few more "sectionals" who work other areas..

CEDH President, Jose Luis Armendariz Gonzalez, admits that the violence in the municipality has increased and the rage has become "a natural thing." Criminal groups, he says, are constantly fighting in the towns, but it's difficult to report homicides or disappearances because the criminals themselves carry the victims off, for several reasons. They don't want to draw the attention of law enforcement agencies, he says, so they can keep on acting with impunity without the Army or the state and federal police feeling the need to strengthen patrols.

One of the members of the military who has worked in that area, located in the south of Chihuahua, assures (us) that, while [the Army]  has managed to seize drugs and weapons, and arrest criminals, his work --he declares-- is almost like that of a street sweeper; "it's as if you're sweeping and somebody is coming behind you throwing more trash."

He points out that drug trafficking is part of the inhabitants' daily life. For example, he illustrates,  indigenous women and children are hired to work planting and harvesting opium poppies (amapola) because they are skilled laborers for that type of crop, same as with apples, chile, onions, etc. Indigenous men take on the heavier work, such as harvesting marijuana, which is just another job for them since they don't get involved in organized crime because they are "nomads". They're not used to working for established businesses, so they go from job to job, from season to season.

Horror stories

At the municipality, the local area's government center, the inhabitants have turned their homes into "tanquetas" (light armored vehicles) and live with the uncertainty that at any moment and at any hour, they will see  armed men, with or without hoods, come to fight with each other or with the townspeople.

On weekends, teachers, medical personnel and residents leave the town, because the violence gets worse on those days.

"When we return, we find out there have been murders, abductions (levantamientos), kidnappings. Ransom demands are made in millions of pesos, generally 5 million pesos. People work hard to get the money together, it's very common for them to work the gum opium (la goma); they sell it and resell it and get the money," explains one of the town's school teachers.

People get together early in the day and behind closed doors to celebrate birthdays. "There's so much fear, that you lock the door, and if somebody knocks you don't open the door or ask who it is until you hear the voice of whoever is knocking. Or, if they come to visit, they have to call ahead by phone to warn you. Schools are always locked up, kids only go out for recess, and they don't leave until their parents come (for them). Only a few are allowed to leave by themselves because they live close by," he emphasizes.

According to the teacher, more than half of the students in one of the grade schools are orphaned of either a mother or father. In fact, there are class groups in which out of 23 students, 18 are orphans, since women are also murdered because they're the partners of men involved with criminal groups, he points out.

In Guadalupe y Calvo, the indigenous community, almost half of the population, is of Tepehuan ethnicity. There's a Catholic shelter that many of those indigenous people come to, used also by some mestizo (mixed blood) community members. In that shelter they treat young girls who have been raped, abused, abandoned or mistreated, and who are suffering psychological aftereffects. The shelter is operated full time and is financed by a sponsor and by the Chihuahua Business Foundation, but the workers are from the community, teachers and doctors.

"It's worth staying here because you see that you are making a difference, that you can do something for the children," says the teacher being interviewed.

"Everyone knows who sells and who uses (marijuana). The problem right now is that supposedly the people that had always been here belonged to El Chapo. About a year and a half or two years ago, they arrested a man they called El Mochomo, he's still in jail, and because they haven't gotten him out his people turned on him and are killing the El Chapo (Joaquin Guzman Loera) people," he says.

He recalls the massacre that took place three months ago in Tohayana, that, in fact, was not reported in the media. After they killed them, he adds, they (the killers) sent the town a warning: if you don't settle down, there will be more deaths. Last Sunday, (July) 22nd, they killed six, and five on Wednesday, the 25th, also in the municipal government center.

"The deaths are very bloody, they torture them, decapitate them, cut them into pieces. You generally hear more than a hundred shots, sometimes (the shootouts) don't last long in (terms of) hours, but they are more frequent. To get to El Vergel, for example, you have to go through Guadalupe y Calvo, and the people over there belong to another criminal group, so when they pass through here to get there, there's always a shootout."

The coordinator of the Chihuahua Institute for Adult Education in that area, Hector Jauregui, ran over a man a month ago in the municipality. The professor himself took the wounded man to the hospital but he died a few hours later.

The dead man was the father of one of the town's sicarios (killers for hire), who forced the police to arrest the driver and hand him over to him.

"It was so blatant! They killed him in front of many witnesses who heard him say, when they were about to kill him, not to do this because he had a family," recalls the teacher.

The CEDH got a complaint on that case and Inspector Victor Manuel Horta let it be known that, by order of the State Attorney General, any official who travels to Guadalupe y Calvo must travel with bodyguards, because so many of them have been murdered these last few months.

The Southern Zone prosecutor, David Flores Carrete, pointed out that the actions of the Municipal Public Safety Directorate in Guadalupe y Calvo cast doubt on the job they are doing.

In the municipality, the center of local government, local residents identify three pickup trucks that frequently drive through the place as (belonging to) a group that recently came from Sinaloa. They travel with hoods on, and wear military clothing and carry AK-47s (cuernos).

"They're young, and some of them go around with their faces uncovered all the time. Before, you knew who the bad guys were, you know who sells and uses drugs, but these days they don't respect anybody, everything has become bloodier," emphasizes the interviewee.

They flee for safety reasons

Dozens of doctors and nurses in the municipality have fled in the last year and a half because they were personally affected by the violence. Since 2010, the doctors at the regional Department of Health hospital have lived moments of terror when they've had to treat victims wounded by gunfire who belong to one group or another. For example, a married couple, both doctors-- he a pediatrician and she, an internist-- had to leave the hospital three months ago because one of them was attacked on the road to El Ocote, and they took their daughter away from the place because they received kidnapping threats. They asked for a transfer because of the situation with their daughter, but they were given only six months to take care of their situation.

The majority of the doctors who arrive there do it as part of their social service or internship, and when that (assignment) is over, they decide to remain there because they see the needs and goodness of the local people, who need them. However, the violence has forced them to leave, even those with 10 or 20 years on the job. The doctors are from Puebla, Guerrero, Baja California, Distrito Federal (D.F.), Sonora and Chiapas, Jalisco and Chihuahua.

"Nobody wants to move to the mountains any more," say two doctors who left the community. One left the hospital a year and a half ago, the other a few months ago.  According to the doctors, on at least three occasions armed groups came into the hospital looking for a patient to murder him.

In December, 2010, at 1:00 in the morning, individuals came and asked a nurse about a patient. When she pointed him out, they stabbed him. When the killers came out of the hospital room, the nurse came face to face with them. They were young men between 18 and 20 years old, and they threatened her with the knife.

A week later, on New Year's Eve, an armed group came into the hospital. A nurse on duty was intercepted and threatened by the "relatives" of a victim of one of the patients and forced to tell them where he was. They took the patient away and murdered him about a half mile from the hospital. The nurse was transferred for six months to a hospital in the capital city to be treated for post traumatic stress. At the end of that period, she asked not to return because there were threats against her.

The Health Workers Syndicate asked her not to file criminal charges.

On another occasion, at the beginning of 2011, a person wounded by gunfire arrived at the hospital, and his wife asked for protection because he could not be transported elsewhere. Hospital staff told them they could not guarantee his safety.

"The family brought a lot of armed people, they stayed in the hospital for 36 hours. It was a very tense situation. There were about eight people in the hall ways, and there were more in the parking area and on the wall (around the hospital)," recalls one of the female doctors.

Doctors and nurses had to deal with the situation during that time. The hospital director came in several hours later "and told the armed men, 'behave yourselves, because later the doctors will not want to treat you.'"

The Army came after the men had already left. They questioned the doctors, asked to talk with the patient and the hospital director. "The problem is that there were rumors that the doctors had notified the Army, and we were afraid of reprisals," he said.

On September 12, 2011, another armed group came into the hospital and murdered a 33-year old man who had just been brought in with bullet wounds. The armed men followed him into the emergency room, killed him and left. Hospital staff were in shock, but there were no reassignments.

Unprotected police

This past May 19th, the Guadalupe y Calvo chief of public safety, Eleazar Salas Martinez, was murdered. That afternoon, he left the office accompanied by one of his police agents and went to a place where he had an appointment, according to the testimony of the police officer, who survived.

When they got to a ranch house, several armed  men wearing hoods picked them up, blindfolded them with adhesive tape and took them to an uninhabited area. The police officer testified that he heard several shots and, after a few minutes, he removed the blindfold and saw there was nobody around.

The chief was 36 years old and left infant children. He had no life insurance or social security, nor did he sign payroll receipts, and he was listed with the City Council as earning very low wages. His wife will receive support from the Trust for Care of Victims of Violence. Nothing more. Last week, they murdered the police officer who survived that attack. He was with his brother and a nephew, who were also murdered.

The residents of Guadalupe y Calvo believe that it was that same police officer who set his chief up to be murdered.  

Mexican Marines bag five, detain four in firefight in Veracruz

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By Chris Covert
Rantburg.com

A total of ten individuals including five municipal police officers have been killed in two separate gun fights in Veracruz state Tuesday according to Mexican news accounts.

According to an article posted on the website of ElPueblo.mx news daily, five unidentified armed suspects were killed after they fired on a Mexican naval infantry convoy near Xalapa, the capitol of Veracruz state.  An additional four suspects were also detained following the end of the firefight.

The marine unit was on patrol, between Xalapa and San Andres Tlalnehuayocan municipalities on Prolongacion Diamante in Unidad y Progres colony, when it came under small arms fire. 

Undisclosed quantities of weapons and vehicles were also seized by the marines.

In a remote mountain location in Veracruz state, several municipal police agents were ambushed and  five were killed by armed suspects in Ixhuatlan Madero municipality, according to a Notimex dispatch posted on the website of Aztecas Noticias news website.

The police group was travelling along a stretch of road between Onatal Azteca and Otatitlan when it came under small arms fire.

The article said the the attack was repelled, presumably meaning that several municipal police agents were involved in the ambush, but the article does not elaborate how many.  The report does not note any casualties of the attackers.

An operation is currently underway to locate the armed suspects responsible for the attack.

Chris Covert writes Mexican Drug War and national political news for Rantburg.com

Mexican federal judge orders arrests of five Mexican Army officers

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By Chris Covert
Rantburg.com

Five Mexican Army officers have been ordered to detention by an unidentified Mexican federal district judge, according to Mexican news accounts.

According to an article posted on the website of Milenio news daily, among the officers ordered detained were retired General de Division Tomas Angeles Dauahare, retired General de Division Ricardo Escorcia Vargas, retired General de Brigadier Roberto Dawe Gonzalez, retired Lieutenant Colonel Silvio Isidro de Jesus Hernandez Soto and Major Ivan Reyna Muñoz.

All five are charged with a nexus to organized crime to commit crimes against health.

According to a report posted on the website of La Jornada En Linea news daily, the army officers are charged with protecting elements of the Beltran-Leyva drug cartel including Edgar Valdez Villarreal, Gerardo Alvarez Vazquez, and their cocaine trade.

The five officers are ordered to be detained for 80 days while investigations and trials are conducted.  This form of detention is routine in high profile drug cases but the length of this detention is double what is considered normal.

General de Divsion Angeles Dauahare became an issue on last springs's Mexican presidential election as it was found he was on a slate of at large legislative candidates for the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI)  PRI went on to win crushing electoral victories throughout Mexican everywhere, but in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate.

Chris Covert writes Mexican Drug War and national political news for Rantburg.com

Mexico: As Many as 50,000 Children, Ages 9-17 Are Involved in Organized Crime

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Borderland Beat
El Ponchis-The notorious American born teen assassin

By Eng. Raul Ponce de Leon
In Mexico, 30 to 50 thousand children are involved with organized crime, according to organizations that protect children.
The creation of a justice system for adolescents is paralyzed, it operates at federal level until 2014 and progress in this matter is inexistent in the states of Mexico.
Roberto Salgado Garcia, a professor at National School of Social Work at the Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), presented a document on Children and Armed Conflict in Mexico, according to it, 10,000 children were orphaned as a result of the violence experienced in the country, the UN Agency for Refugees (UNHCR) has estimated 23,000 youth have been recruited by organized crime. The report conducted in 2010 entitled “Alternative Report on the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and their Involvement in Armed Conflict”, stated that about 30 thousand children of both genders, between ages 9 and 17, are exploited by criminal groups in various ways, ranging from drug trafficking to kidnapping and human trafficking, extortion, smuggling and piracy, as well as 22 different types of crime.
“For 9 to 17 year old, boys and girls who are involved in crime, are mainly involved in human trafficking, while the younger ones are used to monitor or act as informants. They are also used to board the trains and monitor the amount of migrants arriving every day from South America,” explains the report.
Moreover, according to documents filed to the Committee on the Children Rights of the UN, youth starting from the age of 12 years are used as watchman for small houses where kidnapped victims are kept, so they cannot escape, the older ones, age 16, work in violent exercises, such as kidnappings, murders, and all of them carry guns.
The figures are alarming; about 24,000 children are incorporated in the Sinaloa cartel, over 17,000 with Los Zetas and about 7,500 with “La Familia Michoacana”, for a total of nearly 50,000 children and adolescents.
Although many people do not want to see that organized crime is having a cultural impact on children, even the cultural identity of many of them are being transformed to admire and want to be like the most famous leaders of certain cartels, this can be seen on how they sing the “narco corridos” (narco-music), using clothing and speaking a language that appears to be in the form of code, for example the so-called “Altered Movement” which is becoming more popular.
The specialists in the field, Jose Manuel Valenzuela Arce Ph.D. in Social Sciences with a major in sociology at El Colegio de Mexico, believes that “the figures that represent the ethical dimension of society are damaged and there is a correspondence between ethical values ​​and social recognition, in the eyes of many children there is no qualitative difference between the police and the drug dealer.”
When interviewed for the report cited above, Valenzuela Arce said that the lack of options, especially in terms of education and employment, is reflected and confirmed in two national surveys, the Survey of the Mexican Institute of Youth (IMJUVE) and the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare on children and young people who neither study or work in the country, pointed out that there are about 1.5 million children from 5 to 17 years of age who neither study nor work, and about 7,800,000 thousand young people from 12 to 29 years of age who also do not study nor work, “that population is easy prey for the drug cartels and organized crime.”
When talking about organized crime in Mexico, it is very important to distinguish between local gangs and transnational gangs which are much more organized that the first one, and work together with major drug cartels. Often, local bands and gangs are not involved in transnational organized crime, and they only want the control their territory.
Source :Dominic Bracco
The local gang is usually the easiest and most common way for children to enter into regular interaction with organized crime. In that case, the main role is limited to small drug-selling, and in some cases acting as protectors of the activities of criminal organizations, this is not consider as membership.
We can talk about child membership in a criminal group, when these children are incorporated into the operating headquarters of transnational gangs, working with and for the drug cartels. For example, it is known that the “Mara Salvatrucha” is working with Los Zetas and about 35,000 children and young people are involved, while the MS18 is operating with the Sinaloa cartel and enrolls about 8,000 children and youth.
There are no hard data on numbers or types of crimes committed by theses gangs, whether local or transnational.
Carlos Astudillo, director of the organization “Humanistic Culture” said in a interview with yoinfluyo.com that the problem with children linked to organized crime is a complex situation to be addressed by all sectors of society.

He also indicated that the first ones to respond in such an important problem must be family members in order to prevent, ” it must be a labor of awareness by the parents in regard to the duties they have with their children.”
Even when Yucatan has the lower crime rates in the country, it is ranked one of the first in human trafficking. The Mexico Attorney General Office released a repot performed by Celina Izquierdo Sanchez from the organization “Redes Turismo” in September 2011 stating that Quintana Roo, Yucatan, Jalisco, Chiapas, Oaxaca and Guerrero are states with a high index, which is related to their touristic activities.
The Yucatan State Police has received the visits of several specialized police corporations from Canada, U.S, and Israel, which has trained the local police to handle very violent situations, also law enforcement has been equipped with more and powerful weapons, the new Police Complex of Security was inaugurated two years ago, which works with cutting edge technology and a new surveillance system in certain parts or Merida, all this is to maintain the environment of safety that the Yucatecans enjoy.

(In the video below Dominic Bracco speaks about the NiNis of Juarez and how CDS created them.  He touches on why children become ninis in the first place and the cost of education making it out of reach for most children)
Last May, during the visit of the presidential candidate Gabriel Quadri from the Nueva Alianza party, in an interview he declared that Yucatan is not ready to handle the threat of the organized crime, which sounded contradictory to the present situation of the State Police.
However, this year the federal budget assigned to Yucatan in this item received an important cut back, also the “trust test” that must be applied to every single police or security enforcement in the country presents a significant delay in the state of Yucatan, with only 1% of the tests applied on the three different corporation in the State (State, Municipal and Magisterial polices), raising several concerns about the people who take care of our safety.
Is the Yucatan police ready to deal with the very bad guy? Are they ready to be vigilant to watch for our children when the organized crime try to enroll them? Obviously we do not want this situation to actually happen, we love our state for its tranquility, but we need to be ready, our biggest mistake will be to lower our guard.

The Numbers


For info on Altered Movement link  Here
Translated from Spanish
All Photos-video and charts were added by Chivis
Charts are the work of Juancho Barron

Shamed Mexican Generals Transferred to Prison

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Chivis Martinez for Borderland Beat

                          
New diggs for the shamed men, Altiplano Prison
The office of PGR (Attorney General) released a statement announcing the Third District Judge of Federal Criminal Proceedings in the State of Mexico, issued an arrest warrant for;
Ricardo Vargas Dauahare Escorcia (Retired General)
Thomas Angeles (Retired General)
Roberto Gonzales Dawe (Brigadier General)
Isidro de Jesus Hernandez Silvio Soto (Retired Lieutenant Colonel)
It was an hour before midnight at the Federal Research Center of Mexico City when gates  opened allowing the passage of  two SEDENA trucks containing 8 elements each. 
Directly behind the trucks was a white van containing the disgraced men in handcuffs.    Last in line of the convoy were three artillery trucks having a total of 15 soldiers.
Police closed lanes on Cuauhtemoc Avenue until reaching the Mexico-Toluca Highway to the State of Mexico.  
The convoy arrived at the Altiplano Prison at 35 minutes into Wednesday.  
Federal Rehabilitation Center, No. 1, known as the Altiplano, the new home of the four men once considered heroes.
Third District Judge issues arrest warrant against General Thomas Dauahare Angeles, Ricardo Vargas and Robert Dawe Escorcia Gonzalez on charges of organized crime
Sources: EFE, Televisa                                                                                              
Read additional information on Badanov's post HERE

Illegal Cuotas

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Francisco Ortiz Bello 

After I read Chivis' excellent post, I decided to post this editorial, which appeared in today's El Diario de Juarez, to illustrate just one of the many problems facing Mexican families trying to educate their children. As the article mentions, this is a perennial problem for Mexico's poor. While not directly related to the narco problem, it is one of the many factors that prevents Mexican children from obtaining an education, which, as Chivis' article shows, is related to the narco problem. Keep in mind that the Mexican Constitution states that every child has the right to receive a free education.
                                                                                                                                               --un vato. 

El Diario. 7-31-2012. For over three years, the term "cuotas", in our city, has acquired a connotation of danger, of alarm, closely linked to extortion and payments for supposed "rights" to do business by border enterprises.

Today, this potential threat exists for anybody who owns a business in this city. The recent case of seven auto parts stores riddled by bullets made it clear that, while some crime indicators show a detectable decrease, such as violent executions on the streets, or kidnappings, others, like extortion, continue in force.

But this time, I'm not talking about those "cuotas", but of others equally terrifying, traumatizing and stressful for parents dealing with the approaching return to school. More than 25,780,000 pre-school, elementary and secondary students; and around 4,300,000 higher level middle school, preparatory and technical-professional students are finishing their (summer) vacations. And, with that, beginning next week, with the initiation of registration procedures, begins also a real torment for thousands of parents, who barely earn enough to half support a family, and who, despite all that, will have to obtain huge and costly lists of school supplies, school uniforms, books, and, as if this weren't enough, they will have to pay the (in)famous  school "cuota."

This (cuota) is equally illegal in its creation, fascistic and authoritarian. It's a payment that is generally agreed upon among parent organizations, in the form of a contribution to pay for things the schools lack. But it is the schools' principals and teachers who take it upon themselves to make these contributions "obligatory."

Just around that time --they'll be out soon-- all the nation's educative authorities come out and say that education is one of the basic rights enshrined in the Constitution and that, therefore, nobody may prevent a child from receiving (an education) under any circumstances.

However, thanks to those inexplicable and suspicious agreements among parents --members of parent committees--, and other similar requirements, the yearly sad and deplorable story will repeat itself.  Dozens of children will not be able to start classes next August 20th, even if they have their place in the school and even if they have every desire and willingness to do so. It may be because they do not have a uniform, because they lack school supplies or because their parents have not been able to pay that famous "cuota," despite the fact that it is illegal --and even inhumane--; teachers and school principals will deny them access to the class rooms. So,then, how can we expect our children and our young people to become decent, responsible persons, I ask myself?   

There are some truly extreme cases, and not a few, unfortunately, where the demands are such that uniforms, books and school supplies must be purchased in places specifically identified by school managers or parents' associations. This is because there may be prior arrangements or agreements by which the schools obtain certain benefits from the fact that all the students buy uniforms, for example, from the same business, or because the owner of the "official" stationery shop is a relative, friend or partner of one of the parent's committee board members.

This is how shameful and serious this issue gets every year when classes start.  And, even though it's the same every year, and even though these disagreeable practices are denounced or, in some cases, sanctioned, they keep happening.

We're in the final stretch of the return to school. The period in which parents go crazy trying to get everything their children need to begin the new school year, and in which, undoubtedly, the main problem will be money.

If everything I've just described is a repetitive and cyclical scene that happens every year when classes start, is there some educative authority that is taking steps to make sure this doesn't happen? Are teachers and school principals willing to obey the law? If we truly want our children and young people to study and become responsible men and women, we need to behave like responsible men and women towards them, not like gangsters who extort "cuotas" from them for whatever reason.  If we don't, the "cuota" they will make us pay later will be very high.   

Panic in La Laguna

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TORREON, COAHUILA (Proceso). 8-1-2012. At the Specialists Hospital Number 71 of the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS), doctors, nurses, patients and insureds went into a panic the afternoon of (July) 23, after they heard an explosion and saw that the fourth, fifth and sixth floors were engulfed in flames. Civil Protection personnel began to cordon off the area of the accident and to evacuate the 450 patients interned there. It was 7:45. Rescue workers said the explosion was caused by a gas leak. Just before that, the Municipal Police said the fire was caused by a ballast exploding. Everything was confusion.

Several nurses assure Proceso that, some hours before, they had started to get anonymous messages on their cell phones warning them not to go to work because "the hospital was threatened." And, when the hospital was on fire, the warnings came again: "This is just the beginning"...

A pair of nurses was walking around the the hospital grounds, located on Revolucion Avenue. They were holding each other and trying to give each other support. Each of them would check her cell phone to see whether more messages had come in.  The mobilization of rescue workers continued. The sound of sirens filled the air.

At 8:30 p.m. ambulances and firemen from nearby towns continued to arrive at the hospital. Inside there was chaos. Medics, male nurses and assistants were helping patients transfer; some carried cables, oxygen tanks, catheters for administering serum and other medications.

"When we started to get the threatening phone calls, some female employees asked to be transferred to Clinic No. 16", located on the same Revolucion Avenue, very close to the Specialists Hospital that treats people in the Lagunera province (Comarca Lagunera), says one of them.

The incident on the 23rd was the second incident that month. The first one took place recently, when a group of killers went up to the fourth floor to finish off a man wounded in a shootout and the bodyguard who was guarding him.

On Tuesday, the 24th, the Municipal Police issued a second statement which clarified that the "conflagration" was caused by a "general short circuit". With respect to the "attempted arson," the hospital's own staff controlled it immediately, concluded the statement. 

The evacuation of the 450 patients from Hospital 71 is the most serious (incident) in the last two years. From that date, the approximately 700,000 city residents live immersed in a social crisis. It worries them, they say, that the Laguna area has become the place with the third highest number of violent murders in the country, just behind Ciudad Juarez (Chihuahua) and Acapulco.

"La Laguna is today the best example of how corruption and complicity of the authorities with organized crime can sink a society in desperation and gloom," a local businessman, who asks not to be identified, tells Proceso.

These days, city night life is minimal. Small and mid-size businesses were the first to close down due to extortion by the Zetas; the businesses on the downtown streets, like Morelos street, followed soon after. Attempts by police to control violence in 2011 were largely for public relations purposes.

In October of that year, just weeks before his death, Mexican Secretary of Governance Francisco Blake Mora announced Operation Safe Laguna. The first thing he did was to replace mid- and high-level commanders in the Gomez Palacio, Lerdo and Torreon municipalities. Then 746 Army troops arrived. But the violence did not decrease. At the end of the year there were more than 740 murders.

During the first months in 2011, murders related to organized crime fluctuated between 30 and 40 per month. With  operation (Laguna Segura), they shot up to 50. Next month there were 60. During the last quarter, the average was 80 (per month).

At the beginning of 2012, the statistic shot up. In La Laguna, the office of the State Attorney General warned that this year it could get more violent because the homicide numbers increased 14% the first two months, with 102 murders. According to authorities, 80% of violent deaths are due to struggles between drug cartels for (control of) the city; 15% are caused by the Army in its confrontations with criminal groups. Although some casualties are from "collateral damage", the rest are due to local crimes.

Web of corruption

The Sinaloa cartel lusts after La Laguna. Its killers (sicarios) control several Durango municipalities, among them Gomez Palacio and Lerdo. The Zetas, who maintain an iron grip on Torreon, Matamoros and San Pedro, are also greedy for La Laguna.

From the time they came to Coahuila the Zetas could count on protection by authorities at all levels of government. In fact, several (Zeta) leaders established residence in the state. From here, they coordinate operations in Monterey and other cities in the area.

Kingpins like Sigifredo Najea Talamantes, "El Canicon"; Juan Oliva Castillo, "La Rana", who ordered the attack on the Casino Royale, and Alberto Jose Gonzalez Xalate, "El Paisa", arrested in April of 2012, all had their center of operations in Saltillo.

In its February 26, 2012, edition, Proceso documented the manner in which the Zetas infiltrated the Army, the Mexican Office of Attorney General (PGR), the Federal Police, the State Attorney General and state police agencies. The arrest of four Zeta leaders uncovered complicity of high-ranking government officials, who were getting paid fabulous salaries by the criminal organization.

In the criminal investigation (captioned) PGR/SIEDO/UEIDCS/041/2012, it was revealed that Lt. Col. Manuel de Jesus Cicero Salazar, who acted as chief of the Coahuila State Operational Police, protected the Zetas (Proceso 1843).  The Assistant Attorney General of the PGR in Saltillo, Claudia Gonzalez Lopez, was also implicated and was removed from office.

According to the same information, among the high ranking Army commanders who were receiving pay checks from the drug traffickers were lieutenants Javier Rodriguez Aburto, Socrates Humberto Lopez Gonzalez and Julian Castilla Flores. Each got 50,000 pesos a month. Their companion Marcos Augusto Perez Cisneros only got 30,000 pesos because "he was very lazy."

According to the investigation being referred to, the corruption network included second lieutenants, sergeants and corporals, whose job it was to act as go-between to transmit orders from the Zetas to the military commanders. The inquiry indicates that the corruption also reached the commanders of the Federal Investigations Agency (AFI), some of which had "narcosalaries" of 100,000 pesos a month. One commander second class received 70,000 (pesos); officer Jose Guadalupe Ballesteros Huescas, 50,000 pesos, while five agents of the Federal Public Ministry got from 25,000 to 30,000 pesos. Some of them received expensive cars as gifts.

The investigation also shows that Humberto Torres, brother of the head of the Coahuila Office of State Attorney General, received bribes of up to $100,000.00 dollars and BMW and Mustang cars when he worked as legal director of the State Department of Health. He's at large now.  (The report) adds that these government officials and military officers allowed the Zetas to build an empire for the sale of drugs, and to extort and kidnap business owners in the state. Meanwhile, from Durango, Chapo Guzman's army would heat up the "plaza" with constant battles. Because the majority of fights took place in downtown Torreon, since the Sinaloa gunmen only had to cross the Nazas River, soon the streets were left desolate with dozens of closed businesses.

During the drug war in this capital city there have been three massacres reported; the Ferry Bar massacre, where 8 men died at the end of January, 2010: the one on May 15, at the inauguration of the Juanas Bar, where 10 people died, and a third one at the Quinta Italia Inn, in the early hours of July 18 of that same year (2010), where 17 young people were killed by gunfire.

The PGR revealed that in those massacres, official (government) assault rifles were used that belonged to prison guards from Cereso Dos de Durango (a prison), then headed by Margarita Rojas Rodriguez. The state authorities accused the government official and several of her collaborators of allowing a group of prisoners to go out at night and use the guards' weapons and official vehicles to carry out "acts of revenge."

With the capture of some corrupt government officials the confrontations decreased, but disappearances and kidnappings  increased on the Coahuila part of La Laguna. Businessman Alejandro Gurza Obregon says the same thing; he states that business extortions have increased, but, he admits, the most serious (problems) are the abductions. The violence and insecurity also led many businessmen and store owners to leave the city, concludes Gurza.

The Juan Gerardi Human Rights Center asserts that, since 2010, the main problems that it deals with are related to disappeared persons. The organization Forces United for our Disappeared in Coahuila (Fundec) has reports of more than 230 disappearances, but the Commission estimates that there may be 600, although many of them have not been reported to the authorities.

"We constantly get people who are not organized and who come here to ask us for an evaluation. We have cases from the Matamoros, San Pedro, Francisco I. Madero and Cuencame municipalities," says Antonio Esparza, spokesperson for Fundec. Information about the abduction of migrants on their way to the United States also gets to the organization, he says.

The violence does not stop. Early this past June another massacre took place in the Tu Vida Sobre la Roca A.C. Rehabilitation Center, where 11 residents were murdered.

Notice to readers.-

Drug trafficking cartels continue to impose their control over practically the entire country. Proceso has adopted a policy of protecting its reporters and contributors by providing --  in exceptional cases-- certain notes and reports related to drug trafficking without their signature. Our editorial house takes responsibility for the content of these works. 

     

             

Death in Durango: 7 die

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By Chris Covert
Rantburg.com

A total of seven unidentified individuals have been killed or were found dead in drug or gang related violence in Durango state.

Two unidentified armed suspects were killed and six others were wounded in a shootout in Durango city Wednesday morning.  A news account posted on the website of El Contexto de Durango news daily reported that police were called to a location on Calle Francisco Villa in Arturo Gamiz colony on reports of armed suspects travelling aboard a Jeep Cherokee SUV.

Two police agents who had arrived on the scene were fired on, and called for reinforcements.  Before reinforcements arrived, the suspects managed to flee the area aboard several stolen vehicles.  The gunfight lasted 20 minutes and may have involved as many as 10 armed suspects.  Four police agents were wounded and two armed suspects were detained.

Following the firefight, police seized three AK-47 rifles, three AK-47 weapons magazines and two other vehicles including a Nissan Murano SUV and a Toyota Tacoma pickup truck.

One of the dead suspects was identified as  Pedro Antonio Canales Gutierrez, who died of his wounds as he was receiving medical attention..
  • Four unidentified men were found dead and partially decapitated in San Bernardo municipality Tuesday, according to a news item posted on the website of El Contexto de Durango.  The dead were found near the village of 5th de Julio, and were apparently beaten.
  • A news item posted on the website of El Siglo de Durnago news daily reported that in Santiago Papasquiaro municipality,  Policia Estatal Acreditable (PEA) agents were dispatched to a bus stop near the village of Sandias on a report of a dead body.  When police arrived at the scene, they came under small arms fire.  Reinforcements were called, and presumably the shooters fled.  Security forces later found an abandoned pickup truck that had been used by the shooters.
Chris Covert writes Mexican Drug War and national political news for Rantburg.com

2,893 criminals killed during this administration: Sedena

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Translated by un vato for Borderland Beat,  

El Diario. 8-1-2012

Distrito Federal. In the war against drug trafficking and organized crime, during this (president's) administration, the Army has killed 2,893 suspected criminals in confrontations that have taken place in various locations around the country, as a result of direct attacks against military personnel who have had to defend against an average of eight attacks every week, according to a report from the Secretaria de la Defensa Nacional (Sedena: Mexico's Department of Defense).

The document, to which El Universal was given access and that encompasses a period from the start of this administration until this past July 18, also reveals that "regrettably, in carrying out these operations, 39 persons not involved in the fight against crime lost their lives," and states that in every case there were proceedings against the military personnel responsible (for the deaths).

The report emphasizes that "the work carried out by military personnel on behalf of Mexican society shows positive results almost six years from its unfolding," when President Felipe Calderon ordered the offensive against crime in December of 2006.  It reveals that, in view of the results obtained by the Army, nine out of ten Mexicans believe the Army should stay on the streets doing security related tasks, and that eight out of ten persons trust the institution.

Currently, more than 45,000 Army troops are deployed throughout the national territory, a force that daily carries out more than 4,000 operations related to the fight against drug trafficking and organized crime, in addition to operations to assist the civilian population in disasters and emergencies.

With respect to security related tasks, the report details that during this administration there have been 2,442 attacks against military personnel, which translates to practically eight  incidents every week. In these confrontations, 2,983 aggressors have lost their lives and 400 have been wounded. The number represents 6% of the 47,515 deaths due to presumed criminal rivalries or linked to organized crime that were reported by the Procuraduria General de la Republica (PGR: Attorney General) from the start of this administration to September of 2011, a statistic that some experts calculate may reach 60,000 during this term. Sedena also points out that, as a result of  confrontations with members of organized crime, 2,519 suspects were detained, who are part of the 47,000 persons arrested during the current administration.

Army incursions against crime, the report indicates, also allowed more than 1,900 persons that were being held by kidnappers to be freed by military personnel, who also seized more than 119,000 weapons, more than 12 million cartridges in several calibers, 13,567,000 psychotropic pills, more than 36,000 kilos of cocaine and  9,834,000 kilograms of marijuana, and eradicated 660,000 illegal plots.


The military and human rights

The report admits that during the Army operations 39 people not involved in the fight against organized crime lost their lives. These cases are related to recommendations issued by the National Human Rights Commission against Sedena, on the presumption that military personnel were responsible for these deaths.

The report points out that "in the few cases that have had a negative impact on society, the law has been enforced against those responsible, with total transparency, efficacy and efficiency in the administration of law."

A family torn apart in three days

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Borderland Beat

Patricia Davila (Translated by un vato of Borderland Beat)

From Sunday, June 17, to Tuesday, June 19, the Porras Gonzalez family saw how two of it members were murdered and how the mafia took all their businesses and homes in Villa Ahumada, one of the last redoubts of La Linea, the group of Juarez Cartel killers. After the executions, death threats were made against the remaining family members. From Texas, where they are waiting to be granted asylum, the Porras family tells Proceso about their tragedy, for which they blame the federal and Chihuahua governments. The worst part is that, to this day, they have no clear idea what triggered this rage against them.  

San Antonio, Texas. Proceso. 8-3-2012.   "We aren't prepared for this. There's no way to help you. You're leaving in 10 minutes. Get ready!" so said Cesar Augusto Peniche Espejel, delegate of the Procuraduria General de la Republica (PGR) in Ciudad Juarez, once Attorney General Marisela Morales gave her approval for an operation in which federal, state and municipal police cordoned off streets and avenues through which a convoy escorted the four vehicles carrying the 20 members of the Porras Gonzalez family, threatened with death by La Linea.

The caravan got to the Mexican side of the Santa Fe International Bridge. From there, the Porras family continued by themselves to the U.S. side, to El Paso... and went directly to immigration officers to ask for political asylum.

Today, the Porras live in San Antonio, receiving help from by some neighbors in this city, waiting for their request for asylum to be resolved.

The Porras family is originally from Villa Ahumada, a municipality considered by the United States government to be one of the few redoubts in Chihuahua still under control of La Linea, the group of hired killers (sicarios) for the Juarez Cartel. Villa Ahumada is under the control of Jesus Salas Aguayo, El Chuyin, 35 years old. The United States government accuses him of ordering the murder  --on May 15, 2009-- of Jose Daniel Gonzalez Galeana, former member of the armed group,  who lived in El Paso and was a protected witness for  Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

According to ICE, El Chuyin mistrusted Gonzalez Galeana and blamed him for the arrest on May 13, 2008, of his fellow countryman Pedro Sanchez Arras, aka El Tigre, who was third in command of the (Juarez) cartel under Vicente Carrillo Fuentes .

Villa Ahumada is famous for being the land that gave shelter to Juarez Cartel leaders such as Rafael Munoz Talavera, head of the organization with Rafael Aguilar Guajardo and Amado Carrillo Fuentes. Then El Tigre came out and, after his arrest, Salas Aguayo assumed command, even after after people stopped mentioning the name of Juan Pablo Ledezma, El JL, and after the arrest of the Juarez organization's chiefs, like Gonzalo Garcia Garcia, El Chalo; Jose Rodolfo Escajeda, El Rikin, and Antonio Acosta Hernandez, El Diego.

According to ICE, El Chayin became the La Linea strongman for the Villa Ahumada, Buenaventura, Galeana, Constitucion, Flores Magon, Juarez and Chihuahua region, where he controls between 300 and 400 criminals who sell marijuana and cocaine and carry out kidnappings, murders and extortion, and who have finished off entire families.

This is the place where the Porras Gonzalez's tragic story began.

The first execution

"Last Sunday, June 17, my nephew Carlos called me on the phone; he told me that apparently his father, Rodolfo, had had an accident or had been killed by somebody. I immediately went to pick him up to go to the Municipal Police. There, an officer told us that he (Rodolfo) was dead, to go to the police at El Valle, where a female official told us he was murdered and (for us) to go to Le Baron to see the State Police. At that place they told me somebody had reported a rollover and that they would deliver his body the next day after the autopsy. An hour later, that same officer told me to go for my brother's (body); they filled out the autopsy certificate in my presence," narrates Jorge Porras, the brother of Rodolfo, the man who was murdered.

He goes on: "While we were transporting my brother, on the 160 km drive from El Valle to Villa Ahumada, several pickup trucks cut in ahead of us, with men who threatened us with their weapons. At last, we got to town and buried Rodolfo on Monday, June 18. I told my brothers and nephews that we should go to work like normal on Tuesday. My nephews got up to open the businesses, I fell asleep. Suddenly the phone rings: it was my nephew Cesar, another son of Rodolfo.

"'Listen,' he told me, 'It looks like they killed my brother Jaime at the cemetery.' I couldn't believe it. If it was already a nightmare, we were now living in horror."

When he left his house, Jorge found his mother, Ana, and his sister; he told them what had happened to Jaime. They went to the cemetery to look for his body. They found him lying on the little mound of dirt that covered Rodolfo's grave, which he had gone to water early that morning.

"He was an innocent 18 year old. He wouldn't hurt anybody. I got angry. I took off my shirt and covered him. I didn't let my mother and my sister get close, I took them back to the pickup, I told them we should go to the ministerial police so they could pick up the body. At the entrance to the cemetery, my sister in law, Jaime's mother was coming in. We found out later that she met up with two sicarios. She confronted them, she asked them to return her son to her. 'It wasn't us. Get the hell out of here, you old bitch,' they answered," Jorge recalls.

The ministerial police refused to pick up Jaime's body.

Here, Hector Porras, older brother of the murdered Rodolfo, interjects: "Jorge argued with the police, although their attitude was not unexpected because we know that in Villa Ahumada they're involved with La Linea. One of my sisters in law went to the federal police quartered in the town, but they didn't pay attention to her, either. Then, in an Oxxo gas station, Jorge ran into some federal patrols assigned to Colonia Le Baron, in Galeana, who by coincidence were driving through the town. He told them what was happening.

In Villa Ahumada, the Porras own some businesses: three creameries, a shoe and clothing store, a beer store, a car wash and an insurance company. While Jorge was trying to convince the federal police, the sicarios began to loot all those businesses. Finally, the federal police agreed to assist, they asked the family to get together at Rodolfo's, the murdered brother's, ranch, while they waited for other patrols to relieve them.

At the ranch,  Rodolfo's son, Cesar, received threats on his cell phone from the criminals: "The first call came on June 19, at 1:30 p.m., after they killed my brother. They said I was next, to get out of town; in another call, that I and all my family would be next;  in one more call, to get out or leave town. Five minutes later, my uncle Jorge gets another call, telling him that the next one would be his mother, that is, my grandmother Ana Maria. She's 67 years old. My dad, Rodolfo, would have been 50 on July 22," he says.

When the sicarios found out that three federal police vehicles were at the ranch, they said: "Tell those pussies to get out of there because if they don't, it will get worse. The police couldn't protect us for long so they asked us to leave the town quickly. They were afraid that the gang would regroup and kill all of us at the same time. Just before that, they asked for back-up from Ciudad Juarez. Forty minutes later, two units showed up. An hour after we met up with them at the Oxxo gas station, we were on our way to Juarez with whatever we were wearing. It was 3:00 in the afternoon," says Hector.

They tried to get the military to help them, because the federal police were scared, too. They called the emergency number for the Department of Defense in Mexico City; there, they gave them the numbers for the 5th Military Zone, but nobody answered. By them, in addition to the businesses, the sicarios had also taken possession of the Porras family's seven homes.

"When the federal police back-up from Juarez got there, a commander told me:  'I'll get your family to Juarez. I swear. Tell me where to leave you.' I asked them to take us to the international border crossing or to the 5th Military Zone, wherever we would be safer. Twelve adults and eight children traveled in four of our vehicles. We left the town. We left Jaime lying there in the cemetery. We left our possessions. We didn't have any money, no documents, no nothing. Finally, they left us at the PGR (offices)," says Jorge.

At the PGR office, only Jorge was allowed to enter. A female official of the Ministerio Publico (prosecutor's office) met me and filed the complaint.  Outside, afraid, the family asked for protection and to be allowed to enter.

"They agreed to protect us. They put us up right there. We slept in an office that was being repaired. We had one blanket per person. During the day, they let us out into a garden, we would sit down on the grass, we would eat there. The PGR provided the food, other times it was the state government," recounts Jorge.

--Did you at any time meet with the PGR delegate, Peniche Espejel?

--The day after we got there he talked with us. He told us that the PGR was not prepared for situations like ours. That they had never had a case like this and that there was no way to help us.-- responds Alejandro, another of Rodolfo's brothers.

He continues: "With him, we would talk about how they were going to protect us and about what the federal government could offer us. He said that the only option was a shelter in Mexico City, but that it was a genuine prison, that we could not go out for any reason. That the federal government lacked the capability to take over this type of case. In view of that, we asked him to transport us to the international border crossing so we could ask for asylum. He refused. However, a social worker and the public ministry officer who attended us when we got there gave us a business card with the phone number for Attorney Carlos Spector, of El Paso. They said he would help us."

--We would see Licenciado Peniche every day and every day he would tell us the same thing: that nothing could be done, that he was not the one to make the decision... There came a time in which he told us to do whatever we wanted to, that it was impossible for them to transfer us elsewhere. On Saturday, June 23, he told us that Attorney General Marisela Morales Ibanez was aware of our case and that, furthermore, on Monday, June 25, she would go talk to us. It made no sense to wait for her. We couldn't wait. We demanded that he transport us to the (international) bridge-- added Cesar.

The family called the media to tell them about their case. They also spoke with a priest, a human rights activist with a non-government organization (NGO), Paso del Norte, that, along with a letter to the (PGR) delegate, also sent patrol vehicles to protect them:

"Under pressure, the delegate decided to help us. On Saturday the 23rd, he said they would close Lincoln Avenue and all its side streets so we could get to the bridge. We left at noon. He told us to hurry. He said he was afraid and that he didn't want more people to know they were going to take us away," he remembers.

Alejandro adds: "He told us: 'We can't escort you all the way to the bridge because it would look very bad for us to deliver you to the United States, but we will organize a security operation and nobody can infiltrate on the route you take."


No clear motives

Before they left, Jorge complained to the delegate: "We lost everything from one day to another and the sicarios are not even worried, they drive around the town in my brother Rodolfo's car. I keep asking myself , why are they still free?  I think about the way they threw us out, how they are brazenly selling off our possessions. What's going on? Why don't you do anything to them? He answered: 'Leave all of  that behind. Be satisfied that you're all together and safe.' That's the last time we saw him."

--Why did they kill Rodolfo and his son Jaime? Why are they after you?

Attorney Spector, who is helping them with the asylum request, intervenes: "This is a PAN (Partido Accion Nacional) family. Hector has served as councilman, in Villa Ahumada, he was the secretary of the Accion Electoral (elections committee) of the PAN, secretary general, president of the Municipal Committee, the same with his brother Rodolfo. The case of the Porras family is unheard of because this case merges political persecution with drug trafficking.

--Was belonging to the PAN a factor in their persecution?

--We cannot confirm it but neither can we dismiss it. The PRI governs in Villa Ahumada, in the previous administration, the PAN was in (power), but they have always been under the control of La Linea. But now El Chuyin is related to the wife of the current mayor, Fernando Vasquez-- responds Hector Porras.

He adds: "We know who killed them, but we don't know why. Some say that it was because he exclaimed "Good!"when he learned that a brother of Chuyin committed suicide; others think the it was because he refused to pay some extortion."

The case file that's in the PGR office in Ciudad Juarez notes that Jaime was killed by two men, known by their aliases La Roberta and El Pacman, because someone in the Porras family attributed Rodolfo's death to a person by the name of Adrian Barron. Apparently, Adrian Barron is a member of La Linea. In addition, the night before his death, Barron invited Rodolfo to a celebration at Ejido Constitucion, where he was murdered.

"I'm asking the President of the Republic, Felipe Calderon and the governor of Chihuahua, Cesar Duarte, to accept their responsibility in this case. They are responsible, directly or indirectly, for what is happening in Villa Ahumada, because impunity is part of the inefficiency of the government. Ours is not the only family that has fled after their loved ones were murdered: there were also the Munozes and the Marrufos," declres Hector.

Dona Ana, the family matriarch, tells Proceso that she left everything: the house her husband left her seven years ago and, above all, her dead. "It has been tremendous. I'll never feel at peace. When we received those calls with their death threats, I told everybody: Let's go! Let's go! They've already killed two of mine, I don't want them to kill anybody else. I was terrified.

"My grandson Jaime was left lying there in the cemetery. Because of the fear we had, we left him there, as if he had no one. I know the town priest buried him, and I'm grateful with all of my heart, with my soul. Yesterday they burned down my son Rodolfo's ranch. Everything is dismantled. In town, everybody is terrified. I was not afraid because my husband taught my sons to work, to start from the bottom so they would never get involved in bad things. That's what they did. And, look, what good was it? Material things are the least (important), but my dead sons..."

Dona Ana tells about the torment that the trip from Villa Ahumada to Juarez turned into when they were escorted by the federal police. "It was tremendous. My son Rodolfo's wife, the mother of Jaime, kept fainting again and again. Losing her son was terrible, but leaving him lying there in the cemetery, in those conditions, without burying him, that's something that you cannot live with. A mother cannot stand it. The pain is too much."

Nogales: The Narco Tunnel Capital of The Southwest

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Borderland Beat
Since 1995 more than 90 illicit underground passageways have been discovered in various states of completion in the two-mile stretch of urban frontier that separates Nogales, Ariz., from its twin city on the Mexican side of the border. Twenty-two complete tunnels have been found in the past three years alone. The city has become infamous as the Tunnel Capital of the Southwest....

The 10-inch-wide entrance to a smuggler’s tunnel uncovered in Arizona in August 2011 (AP)

Bloomberg Business Week

If everyone had kept quiet, it could have been the most valuable parking spot on earth. Convenient only to the careworn clothing stores clustered in the southern end of downtown Nogales, Ariz., it offered little to shoppers, and mile-long Union Pacific (UNP) trains sometimes cut it off from much of the city for 20 minutes at a time. But the location was perfect: In the middle of the short stretch of East International Street, overshadowed by the blank walls of quiet commercial property, the space was less than 50 feet from the international border with Mexico.
On Aug. 16, 2011, just before 3:30 p.m., three men sat in a white Chevrolet box truck parked near the Food City supermarket on Grand Court Plaza. In the driver’s seat was Anthony Maytorena; at 19, Maytorena already had an impressive criminal record, and a metal brace on one arm as a result of being shot while fleeing from local police three years earlier. Locked in the cargo compartment behind him were two boys from Nogales, Sonora, the Arizona town’s twin city on the other side of the border—Jorge Vargas-Ruiz, 18, and another so young that his name has never been released. Together they drove over to International Street, where two cars were holding the parking spot for them.
Maytorena parked the truck, climbed out, and—watched by a spotter gazing down from high up in the hills on the Sonoran side of the border—sauntered around the corner. Inside, the two teenagers lifted a hatch in the floor of the cargo compartment; beneath, in the steel box that had once contained the truck’s refrigeration unit, was a trapdoor that opened less than a foot above the street.
On a word from the spotter, men underground lowered a camouflaged circular plug of concrete held in place by a hydraulic jack, revealing a hole just 10 inches in diameter. The hole opened into a tunnel 3 feet square and 90 feet long, leading to a room in an abandoned hotel on the Mexican side of the border. It took less than 40 minutes to transfer 207 tightly wrapped bundles of marijuana from the San Enrique hotel to the back of the truck: more than 2,600 pounds in all, conservatively valued at just over a million dollars.
U.S. Border Patrol agents and officers of the Nogales Police Department rode slowly past the truck while the transfer took place. None of them noticed anything unusual. Customs officers manning the pedestrian border crossing at the end of the street continued their work as normal. With the cylindrical plug jacked back into place, the boys in the back of the truck used a caulking gun to close the seam around it with concrete sealant. Once again, the tunnel entrance in the parking space was invisible. As the truck pulled away at a little before 4:30 p.m., it had begun to rain. Behind the wheel, Maytorena almost certainly believed the tunnel operation had been yet another audacious success.


Crime has been coming up out of the ground in Nogales for a while now. Since 1995 more than 90 illicit underground passageways have been discovered in various states of completion in the two-mile stretch of urban frontier that separates Arizona’s Nogales from its far larger twin in Sonora. Twenty-two complete tunnels have been found in the past three years alone. Streets have opened up beneath unwary pedestrians and subsided under heavy vehicles; the city has become infamous as the Tunnel Capital of the Southwest.
When found the tunnels are filled with concrete
Although quantification is impossible, the underground shipment routes represent a significant economic investment, one that far exceeds the time and money spent on the homemade submarines, ultralight aircraft, and catapults used to move narcotics elsewhere. Some tunnels cost at least a million dollars to build and require architects, engineers, and teams of miners to work for months at a stretch. A few include spectacular feats of engineering, running as much as 100 feet deep, with electric rail systems, elevators, and hydraulic doors. But the economies of scale are extraordinary. Tunnels like these can be used to move several tons of narcotics in a single night.
The tunneling boom reflects not only the extent and financial torque of the Mexican cartels’ operations—estimated in a 2010 Rand Corp. report to turn a $6.6 billion profit every year—but also the futile nature of attempts to secure the U.S. border against drug smugglers. A reliable index of the effectiveness of U.S. interdiction work, says Anthony Coulson, a former Drug Enforcement Administration agent, is provided by the price of narcotics on U.S. streets; when the authorities succeed in impeding the flow of drugs, the price goes up. Coulson began his career in Tucson in the early ’80s and retired as the head of the agency’s Southern Arizona district in 2010. In Nogales, Ariz., the wholesale price for marijuana is currently $400 a pound. “That’s never changed,” Coulson says, “in 30 years.”
2500 LBS in this discovery
In March, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement responded by organizing a Nogales Tunnel Task Force, headed by agents from its Homeland Security Investigations division (HSI), and incorporating members of the DEA, Border Patrol, and the local police department. In early June, President Obama signed into law the Border Tunnel Prevention Act of 2012, introduced by Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), chairman of the bipartisan Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control. The law extends the use of wiretapping to tunnel investigations, criminalizes the intent to tunnel, and doubles the sentences for traffickers who use tunnels to move narcotics. It’s the House’s second recent attempt to legislate against the persistence and ingenuity of the tunnel barons of the Sinaloa cartel.


On a searing afternoon in late June, Border Patrol Agent Kevin Hecht guides his rumbling Dodge pickup along the incline of West International Street and picks out the highlights of the tunnelers’ work. The blue house at number 438, where smugglers came up under the front porch and bundled the loads directly into a car parked outside; and the apartment building at 530, so popular that two tunnels intersected underground there, five years apart. “One was real fancy—all wood-lined, lighting, ventilation, power outlets. All hand-dug,” Hecht says. At the corner of West Street, he points down to asphalt quilted with squares of fresh concrete, where tunnels beneath the road have been located and filled in all the way to the border. “There are some hot spots they like,” he says. “They just won’t leave them alone.” The city’s repair crews have inscribed each patch with a date, so Hecht can keep track of when each tunnel was finally sealed. “There’s so many of them here, I can’t remember every little square,” he says. “I’m getting old.”
At 42, Hecht is a big man, 6 feet tall and 230 pounds, with thinning black hair sticking straight up from his scalp like stalks in a burned cornfield. Raised in Chicago, he has 17 years in the Border Patrol, all of it in Nogales—and much of it underground. “He’s the tunnel guru,” says Jack Zappone, one of Hecht’s former colleagues, now an HSI agent with the Tunnel Task Force. “Just about every tunnel that’s ever been found in Nogales, he’s been inside of it or crawled through. And he knows the drainage system like the back of his hand.”
Hecht’s opponents in the tunnel war are drawn to Nogales by a peculiar alignment of geography and geology, and the shared infrastructure of a city where once-common interests are now divided by the drug war. The two cities grew up around the border crossing, and on both sides houses and stores now press as close to the line as the law permits. Nogales, Sonora, sits on high ground, with its Arizona twin below it, in the narrowest part of a valley forming the end of a seasonal flood plain. When the monsoons begin each summer, the rain that falls on Mexico is funneled downhill, gathering speed and force as it reaches the U.S. In the 1930s, in an attempt to control the torrent of water, U.S. engineers converted the natural arroyos in Nogales into a pair of culverts that now lie beneath two of the city’s main downtown streets, Morley Avenue and Grand Avenue. Beginning in Mexico, and running beneath the border before emerging a mile into the U.S., the huge tunnels—large enough to drive a car through—created an underground link between the two cities, and access to a network of subterranean passages beneath both that has never been fully mapped.
Above ground, Nogales is also well-situated for easy access to the rest of the U.S.; I-19 begins less than 100 yards from the border. According to Coulson, more than a third of all fresh produce shipped into the country from Mexico now comes through the city’s huge Mariposa port of entry for commercial vehicles—and, packed with it, much of the country’s narcotics. “Nogales,” Coulson allows, “is a little bit unusual.”
Tunnel found under the deck of a home-15 days later another found in a bedroom a few doors down
In the 1990s the Grand and Morley tunnels were transformed into conduits of illegal immigration and drug smuggling. The Border Patrol installed corrugated steel gates, made from repurposed military surplus, at the underground border, which they chained and then welded shut. But during the monsoons, the tunnels—30 feet wide and 14 feet deep—often fill with rushing water, which in the Morley tunnel generates such pressure that it spews out of the open end a mile downstream in Arizona with the force of a water cannon. The summer storms arrive with such sudden ferocity that unwary migrants were often swept to their deaths, and the solid metal gates were torn from the walls. And when the monsoons didn’t open the gates, drug smugglers and human traffickers would.
“We’d weld the gates shut, and then five minutes after we’d weld them, they’d break the welds,” says Tom Pittman, who began his career with the Border Patrol in Nogales a few months after Hecht in 1995. “Back then there would be hundreds of people coming through those tunnels, all day, every day.” When the Patrol stationed men at the main exit of the Grand, where it emerges into an open culvert near the public library, migrants and smugglers began appearing from the scores of storm drains and manhole covers across the city—carrying their shoes in plastic bags to keep them dry, disappearing into downtown stores in the hope of mingling with shoppers. “It was crazy. You would see a sewer plate come up in the middle of the street, and five people would come up and run,” says Zappone. Drug smugglers pushed bundles of cocaine and marijuana out through the gratings, or wriggled up the two-foot-wide corrugated steel tubes that connected the main drainage channels to concrete catch basins on the city streets, handing off their loads to accomplices in waiting cars.
Border agents took to entering the tunnels without turning on their flashlights. “If they see you coming, they’re just going to run back to Mexico. You’d get in there and hang out, and wait for the groups, or the dope, to come to you,” says Pittman.


A 2010 Rand Report states the estimated profit of  Mexican Cartel's  Drug  operation is 6.6B per year
When orphans and runaways began living in the Grand and the Morley, the tunnels became so dangerous that border agents would only go below ground in force. At mealtimes, gangs of tunnel kids would materialize suddenly from the drainage grates outside Church’s Chicken on Grand Avenue, terrifying diners into flight, stealing their food and withdrawing below ground to eat it in safety; at other times they huffed paint and robbed passing migrants at knifepoint. Without the protection of a SWAT team, the agents could no longer even reach underground as far as the border; by the end of the 1990s, control of this concrete netherworld had slipped almost entirely from the grasp of the law. Deep inside the Grand, Hecht swings the beam of his rubber-clad flashlight across the cement floor, a half mile or so from the border. “We wouldn’t have been able to get to this point,” he says. “We would have been shot at.”
The "Parking Meter Tunnel" found in 2011 the tunnel lead to the San Enrique Hotel
Finally, in 2007, the Border Patrol installed a set of gates with bars designed to allow water to pass through but keep people at bay, and the giant drainage tunnels have become far safer. In the Grand now, three sets of barriers mark the border: one gate at the line, and two more on either side to protect it from tampering. By the amber glow of a single bulb, video cameras and other sensors Hecht refuses to describe monitor the space; a device to remotely dispense pepper spray further discourages unwanted visitors. For good measure, Hecht’s colleagues have scrawled a message in green paint on the wall on the northern side of the line. “USA TUNNEL RATS,” it reads. “ESTE LUGAR ES DE NOSOTROS.” This place is ours.





The first drug-smuggling tunnel found beneath the border was discovered in May 1990, 100 miles west of Nogales, in Douglas, Ariz. It was 270 feet long, with its southern entrance concealed beneath a pool table at a house in Agua Prieta, Mexico, the favored cross-border drug transfer point for “Shorty” Guzman, infamous head of the Sinaloa cartel. When the spigot of a tap outside the house was turned, the table rose eight feet into the air on hydraulic rams, revealing a vaulted, concrete-lined tunnel strung with electric lights and equipped with a wheeled cart. The passageway emerged beneath the drainage grate of a truck-washing station in Douglas, built on land sold to Guzman’s lawyer by a local judge. Customs agents who examined the tunnel said that it looked like something out of a James Bond movie.
At the time the existence of the subterranean expressways of the Morley and the Grand, and the relatively poor security at the city’s crossing stations, made custom-built tunnels in Nogales unnecessary. But as the Mexican cartels gained strength in the ’90s, and seizures increased above ground, smugglers began modifying the city’s drainage system for their own purposes. In August 1995 customs agents, following a tip, uncovered a narrow hand-dug tunnel that emerged beneath an abandoned Methodist church on a bluff 150 yards from the border. Just 40 feet long, it had been dug between the church and a hole cut in the side of an underground drainage pipe connecting a nearby rainwater catch basin to the Grand tunnel. It would have enabled traffickers to enter the U.S. through the Grand and then climb into the corrugated pipe—but rather than emerging on the street, they could now take a detour to the basement of the church, where they could deliver their loads entirely out of sight and undetected. The tunnel was crude—“a gopher hole,” one agent called it—and investigators believed a cave-in had forced smugglers to abandon the route before they’d had the chance to use it. But it was an ingenious idea, and not one the cartel was about to give up on easily.
In 1999 authorities found three more tunnels leading back to the storm drain system, and in one the ropes and burlap sacks used to haul narcotics in from Mexico. In early 2001, Tom Pittman helped in the discovery of another hand-dug tunnel, hidden behind a hinged flap in the wall of another corrugated 24-inch drainage pipe, less than a mile from the border. It led to a three-bedroom house. When customs agents kicked in the door, they found what appeared to be an ordinary, middle-class suburban home. Scattered with children’s toys, the living room, kitchen, and two bedrooms looked entirely normal; what they found in the third bedroom did not: “840 pounds of coke,” Pittman says. “Stacks of it. All muddy. Dirt and s— everywhere.” The family had already left town. Customs later estimated the value of the cocaine at $6.5 million. As with many of the tunnels, Pittman says it’s impossible to tell how long the smuggling operation had been running. “Probably quite some time, unfortunately,” he says. “Years.”
As border security tightened after September 11, smugglers began going under the fence in Nogales ever more frequently. “There’s a direct correlation between tunnels and the strength of enforcement at the ports of entry,” says Coulson. “As the ports got stronger in their inspection capabilities, more tunnels came into play.” In 2005, "Chapo" Guzman launched a bloody campaign of assassinations in Nogales, intended to bring the independent smuggling contractors of the city, many of them families whose expertise goes back generations, entirely under his control. Since then new tunnels have been discovered in the Border Patrol’s Tucson sector at a rate of one a month—almost every one of them in Nogales. The new gates in the drainage system mean that an increasing number of these are hand-dug for their entire length, directly connecting Sonora with Arizona. Some are sophisticated, but many are rough, dirt-walled passageways, made using only picks, shovels, and hammer drills. According to one HSI case agent who asked not to be named, citing security concerns, the excavation is often done by men from the massive copper mine in Cananea, two hours’ drive to the southeast in Mexico; power for tools and ventilation is provided by electricians who tap into the supplies of businesses operating overhead.
Few tunnels are tall enough for agents to stand in
Pittman and Hecht began navigating the hand-dug tunnels together in 2006. It’s now part of the Border Patrol’s regular duties to make sweeps of the Morley and the Grand, and a quarter of the 700-strong force of the Patrol’s Nogales station have the confined-space training necessary to enter the drainage system. The number of them prepared to enter the precarious and claustrophobic dirt tunnels is far smaller. “A best guess, maybe 10 are willing to do it,” Hecht says. “You can’t force them.”
None of the tunnels Hecht and Pittman have explored have ever been large enough to allow them to stand upright, and most require belly crawling; many are so narrow Pittman can only navigate them by stretching his arms out in front of him and pushing with his toes. Both agents fear being trapped by a collapse. While some of the tunnels are shored up with props, many are not. “I still get scared going in, every time,” Pittman admits.
Below ground, the air is thick, humid, and often dangerously low on oxygen. The agents look for signs of cracking or the small piles of dirt that can presage a cave-in. Before entering a newly discovered tunnel, Hecht closes off any roads that may pass overhead, and brings in a truck carrying a ventilation system to blow in air. Inside, there is usually no room for the agents to wear a gun belt or flak jacket; they carry flashlights; one holds a pistol. The single thing Hecht says he never wants to see in a tunnel is someone else coming toward him with a gun. With no space to turn around, and potentially trapped from behind by his partner, he knows that such an encounter would almost certainly be fatal. “The only thing you can really do is hope you’re the one who shoots first … and hope the concussion from the shot doesn’t collapse the tunnel,” Pittman says
The closest Hecht and Pittman have come to meeting their adversaries face-to-face underground are the times when, approaching the end of a tunnel, they’ve caught a whiff of cigarette or marijuana smoke, deliberately blown into the southern end by someone—at most, 10 feet away—as a warning. When that happened to Hecht, he stopped dead where he was. “I smelled it and went, ‘I’m out,’” he says.
Border Patrol Agent Kevin Hecht is known as the tunnel guru, he is one of the few that enters small dirt tunnels
Usually all the agents find in the tunnels are homemade picks, the pieces of string and tape measures used for navigation, and gallon jugs filled with fermenting urine. The men themselves are almost always long gone, vanished back into Mexico.

In the 17 years since tunnels were first found in Nogales, only one of the senior cartel figures behind them has ever been brought to justice. In 2003, Shorty Guzman’s senior lieutenant Rigoberto Gaxiola Medina, aka Don Rigo, was arrested in a joint operation with Mexican authorities after wiretaps proved he’d ordered construction of a 985-foot tunnel beneath Nogales equipped with a rail system to move narcotics. In 2008 a Mexican judge sentenced him to 11 years in prison.
According to Coulson, who oversaw the sting from the U.S. side, subsequent work has been hampered by the competing demands of the Border Patrol, which wants to close down any tunnel found as soon as possible, and ICE and DEA, which need to keep them open long enough to gather the evidence for trials. “We need to get away from the interdiction agencies calling the shots,” Coulson says, “and get the investigative agencies making determinations on when a tunnel should be closed or not.”
The tunnel conspirators federal agents catch are usually the expendable ones, small-town troublemakers like Anthony Maytorena. HSI agents had received a call from an informant before he’d even reached the parking space on East International Street. He was arrested as he attempted to deliver his load; the boys locked in the back were caught as they tried to escape. Maytorena told federal agents he had acted as driver in exchange for $500 in cash and the canceling of a $1,000 debt he owed the cartel after losing part of a previous shipment. In February, having pleaded guilty to conspiracy with intent to distribute marijuana in a U.S. district court in Arizona, he was sentenced to five years in prison. But whoever excavated the 90-foot tunnel, and whoever paid them to do it, remain at large.
The equivalent of plainclothes police detectives to the beat cops of Border Patrol, the HSI agents in Nogales are now trying to dismantle the network that supports and finances the tunnels. Despite the provisions of the Tunnel Prevention Act and the creation of the Tunnels Task Force, this will not be easy. The head of the unit is ICE Assistant Special Agent in Charge Kevin Kelly—a 20-year customs veteran who keeps a pair of handcuffs in the cup-holder of his car, next to a bottle of Purell and his BlackBerry. Kelly says almost all the tunnels now found in Nogales are linked to the Sinaloa cartel. Responsibility for the passageways and the territory under which they’re built is subdivided among cartel lieutenants. Many tunnels are franchises run by owner-operators who charge some smugglers for each shipment they move. The HSI agents believe a handful of individual cartel cells are dedicated to tunnel construction in the city and responsible for every one of the illegal passageways built beneath Nogales over the years. Under the control of longtime Guzman associate Felipe de Jesus Casinales Soza, aka Gigio, each of these groups works on two or three projects at a time, expecting that federal tunnel rats will shut down every new route sooner or later.
Investigators back in 1990 estimated "El Chapo" Guzman’s James Bond tunnel cost more than $1.5 million to construct, but may have been in use for six months or even longer, moving so much cocaine that Guzman earned the new nickname “El Rapido” from his awestruck Colombian partners. Kelly says the short, crude tunnels beneath Nogales, costing as little as $30,000 each to build, represent a relatively small investment for a quick return. “Most of the time the tunnels in Nogales are short-lived,” he says. “People talk.”
Coulson isn’t so sure. His years working beneath Nogales make him think there were always more tunnels than his agents could ever discover, and that one in particular has been open for longer than most federal agents would like to imagine. “We’ve always guessed that they’ve drilled through the rock up on the hill on the east side of Nogales. We’d heard about a tunnel there, but could never find it. I think there’s a tunnel on that side, and it’s been in operation for a long time. Ten years—easily.”
One Tuesday morning in June, a dozen of Kelly’s agents clamber into three unmarked SUVs to conduct what he calls “knock and talks” in the streets of the city: banging on doors at suspect addresses, asking politely to search the premises for signs of tunneling. The agents, with holstered guns, walkie-talkies, and wearing flak jackets, can’t find anyone at the first house, but run the plates of a car that takes a slow drive by as they bang on the door; the second is a cramped brick home a mile from the border, where a woman who lives with eight children says she often hears strange noises at night from the vacant house next door; in the third, a business with easy access to the drainage system, an employee suggests he might be able to help, just as long as his colleagues aren’t around. But there’s no sign of a tunnel in any of them. Afterwards, Zappone, a supervisor on the day’s operation, explains that all three addresses are still worthy of further investigation. There’s no hurry; they’ll be back. “Holes don’t move,” he says

CLICK TO ENLARGE



There were 83,000 murders during the last six years

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Luz del Carmen Sosa

Translated by un vato for Borderland Beat

El Diario. 8-4-2012. Despite the fact that for months there has been talk of 60,000 homicides during the current federal administration, the truth is that just from the day the Felipe Calderon Hinojosa took office, until December 31, 2011, there were 83,541 murders reported, according to exhaustive research carried out by El Diario. These official facts were provided by the Public Ministries (PM) (local investigating and prosecuting authorities) of 28 states through the Sistema de Transparencia (literally, Transparency System; legislation similar to the U.S. Freedom of Information Act), which is why they are reliable numbers. In addition, statistic of 83,541 murders is lower than the actual total numbers because authorities from four federal entities (states) refused to provide information on their  homicides.

Of the number of victims (reported) up to last December, 7,017, or 8.4%,  were females; state authorities could not determine the sex of 184 bodies due to the conditions under which they were found.

Persons in the  21 to 30 year age group have been the most affected by violent deaths.

Based on the reports obtained by El Diario, it was established that the states with the most homicides to date have been: Chihuahua, with 16,592;  State of Mexico, 8,602;  Sinaloa, with 7,443;  Guerrero, 7,257;  and Michoacan, with 5,045 (homicides).   As recently as November, 2011, the United Nations Office against Drugs and Crime (UNODC) revealed in its report that in Mexico homicides are concentrated in a small number of states: Chihuahua, Sinaloa, Guerrero, and Baja California." It also established a clear link "between crime and development," when it pointed out that countries with wide income disparities are four times more likely to be affected by violent crime than more equitable societies.

The 83,541 crimes reported to the end of this previous year in this six year term are equivalent to the combined population of the municipalities of Valle de Zaragoza, Uruachi, Urique, El Tule, Satevo, Santa Barbara, Ojinaga, Riva Palacio and Guadalupe in the state of Chihuahua, according to the 2010 census from the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI).

Transparency

El Diario consulted each of the information agencies in the Procuradurias Generales de Justicia y Fiscalias Generales (equivalent to State Attorneys General investigation and prosecution authorities) in the 32 states who are governed by the Law on Transparency and Access to Public Government Information. However, Coahuila, Durango, Morelos and Tlaxcala were the four states who did not answer the questionnaires, so El Diario filed an appeal, a process that is still ongoing.

The Public Ministry of the State of Chihuahua recorded a total of 16,592 violent deaths from December 1, 2006 to December 31, 2011. 1,304 victims were female. The social representative (spokesperson) stated that the age and gender of 18 of the cadavers was not known.

The statistics involving crimes against women place Chihuahua in first place nationally, with 1,304 cases that represent 8% of the homicides reported in the state. Seven women were murdered in December, 2006;  68 in 2007;  136 in 2008;  268 in 2009;  455 in 2010 and 370 in 2011, the report reveals. The document signed by Juan Urbina Burciaga, head of the Information Office of the Attorney General (prosecution Division) of the State of Chihuahua (FGE), specifies that Ciudad Juarez is the city that's most affected, followed by the capital, Chihuahua City.

This border city was until December, 2011, the most violent in the country, with almost 11,000 homicides, that is, 13.4% of all murders committed in Mexico. This number surpasses that of the other four most violent Mexican states.

A break down of the homicides reported in this city during Felipe Calderon's administration shows that there were 52 reported in 2006;  675 in 2007;  2,321 in 2008;  4,134 in 2009;  5,394 in 2010 (considered the most violent during the six year period), while 2011 ended with 4,014 murders.

Another statistic involves violent deaths among children. This state reported 120 victims whose ages ranged from zero (0) to 10 years of age, while 2,105 others were from 11 to 20 years of age, according to the report provided by the Transparency unit of the state Attorney General's office (FGE; Fiscalia General del Estado).

The report indicates that young men, particularly in Juarez and Chihuahua, were the (age group) most exposed to risk of (death by) violent homicide,  with 6,408 persons murdered who were between the ages of 21 and 30.  Meanwhile, there were 4,408 murder victims in the 31 to 40 years age group;  1,936 between the ages of 41 to 50 years old;   687 were between the ages of 61 to 70;   257 between the ages of 71 to 80;   21 between the ages of 81 to 90; the ages of the victims were not determined in the rest of the cases.

The report indicates that 13,501 murders were committed with firearms;  1,031 with knives (edged weapons);  616 by blows (torture);   230 by strangulation;   82 by burning;   19 in presumed accidents;  12 by drowning;   6 by poisoning;   5 via explosives and 2 were electrocuted. In the rest of the cases, the medical examiner (SEMEFO) could not determine cause of death, with many of the remains being in the form of skeletal remains (bones).

Contrasts

The violence in Mexico exhibits great contrasts. While Chihuahua reached the highest number of homicides, Chiapas reported fewer than 100 homicides during the same period: a total of 77. However, this statistic does not reflect reality, rather, but the disorganized state of the Public Ministry (records):  "From 2006 to 2009, we could not locate any report(s) of intentional homicide(s)," reported Cinthya Berencie Valseca Gonzalez, in charge of the Liaison Unit of the Homicides Investigation Office of the Chiapas Attorney General/Department of Justice. In the report she forwarded to El Diario, the official states that the office began to document homicides in 2010, and 24 of the 77 victims in 2010 and 2011 were female.

Statistics by state

In the current Calderon administration, Aguascalientes reported 375 homicides;   321 men and 54 women. Of hose killed,  26 were younger than 10 years of age;   42 were between the ages of 11 and 20 years;  108 were between  21 and 30 years old;   123 were between 31 to 40 years old;   41 were from 41 to 50;    6 were from 51 to 60 (yrs old);  and 3 were between the ages of 71 and 80.

Baja California reported 4,520 homicides:   3,950 victims were men,  462 were women. The age and gender are not known in 108 cases, which is why this state has the highest number of unidentified victims. This state reported 48 victims younger than 10 years old;   257 between the ages of 11 and 20;   988 victims between 21 and 30 years of age;   946 between (the ages of) 31 to 40;  475 between the ages of 41 to 50;  197 were 51 to 60 years;  63 were between 61 and 70;  32 were from 71 to 80;  7 were over 80 years old, while the MP (local authority) could not determine the age of sex of the rest.

Baja California reported 200 murders; 161 of the victims were men and 39 were women. Th municipalities with the greatest number of violent deaths were Los Cabos, La Paz and Mulege, says the report.

Campeche gave very sparse information, reporting that there were 243 murders during this period, without specifying the age or gender of the victims.

Coahuila dis not respond to the request for information.

Colima reported 401 homicides, however, it lacks information broken down by age and sex of the victims. Fernando Gutierrez Fuentes, an official with the Public Ministry, revealed that the municipalities with the greatest number of homicides were Colima, with 98 crimes reported this period; Tecoman, with 71 cases and Manzanillo, with 63 violent deaths. All three cities are important tourist destinations in this country.

Durango did not respond to the request for information.

The Distrito Federal reported 4,308 homicides. 3,731 victims were men, 576 were women. The jurisdictions with the highest murder rates were Iztapalapa, with 1,013; Gustavo A. Madero, with 681, and Cuauhtemoc, with 398.  

Edomex (Mexico State), the second most violent

The State of Mexico reported 8,602 homicides, which makes it, after Chihuahua, the second most violent (state) in the country. The head of the Information Unit, Jorge Guillermo Perez Cuevas, reported that 1,027 women were murdered between 2007 and 2011, but they did not have the statistics for December of 2006. The information sent to El Diario also shows that they have 48 bodies whose age and gender are not known.

Guanajuato  had 2,162 murders. Eduardo Lopez Goerme, general coordinator of the Unit for Access to Public Information of the Executive Branch, stated that the institution's information database is not designed to capture age and cause of death, which is why he only submitted information about the number of homicide investigations initiated during this period.

Guerrero reported 7,257 murder investigations initiated during this period. However, it pointed out in its report that "there are no reports from 2009 back." It stated that between 2010 and 2011, 230 women were murdered, while the municipalities with the highest number of homicides were Acapulco, Chilpancingo and Iguala.

Hidalgo reported 404 murders, 330 were men and 74 were women. The most violent cities these past three years were Pachuca de Soto, Tula de Allende and Mineral de Reforma.

Jalisco was another state that lacks a complete registry, reporting only 3,909 homicide investigations initiated during the relevant period.

Michoacan reported 5,045 murders; 4,504 men and 541 women. The ages of the victims were given as follows:  30 were younger than 10 years of age;   490 were between 11 and 20 years old;   1,275 between 21 and 30 yrs old;  114 from 31 to 40  years old;  706 from 41 to 50 (years old);   395, 51 to 60 (years old);   91, 61 to 70;    24, 71 to 80;   24, 81 to 90;  and 4 between the ages of 91 and 100. The remainder, 707, could not be identified.

The State of Morelos Public Information System classified the requested information as "reserved," because it considers that this is information "which, if made public, puts at risk the state's ability to govern, and the lives, health and safety of people". El Diario appealed this determination because it believes this argument is incorrect.

Nayarit reported 1,164 homicides, of which 1,503 were men, and 152 were women. In 9 of the cases, the gender and age of the victims were not known.

Nuevo Leon counted 3,824 (homicides);  3,413 men and 411 women.

Oaxaca responded that1,530 persons were murdered during this period.

Puebla reported 2,425 homicides, however, they have no statistics broken down by gender. 115 victims were younger than 10 years old, and the rest were adults.

Queretaro reported 387 victims;  328 were men,  51 were women and there were 8 whose age and and gender could not be determined. The most violent cities were Queretaro, with 170 victims, San Juan del Rio, with 67 and Corregidora, with 22 person murdered.

Quintana Roo reported 1,939 victims (of homicide), of which 471 were women and 89 were under the age of 15.

San Luis Potosi registered 1,451 homicides. 145 victims were female, while 21 were younger than 10. The most violent cities were San Luis Potosi, with 795 murders,  Ciudad Valles, with 165 cases and Rio Verde, with 99.

Sinaloa also stands out

Sinaloa reported 7,443 homicides;  389 victims were women and 24 had not yet reached 10 years old. The most violent cities were Culiacan, with 2,366 homicides, Mazatlan, with 716, and Navolato, with 590.

Sonora counted 2,334 murders. 232 victims were female.

Tabasco reported 993 crimes, however, it did not specify the number of female victims, nor the gender of the victims. Its most violent cities were El Centro, Cunduacan and Humanguillo.

Tamaulipas reported 3,884 murders. 328 were women, while 23 victims were less than 10 years old. The most violent cities were Nuevo Laredo, with 547 crimes and Reynosa, with 508 cases.

Tlaxcala was the fourth state to refuse to provide information pursuant to the Transparency System.

Veracruz has recorded 3,157 murders, 400 of them women. 673 were children younger than 14 years. Its most violent cities were Vearcruz, Xalapa and Coatzalcoalcos.

Yucatan reported 595 homicides, of which 35 were women. The most violent cities were Merida, Tekax and Tizimin.

Zacatecas reported 595 homicides, with 57 women murdered. The cities with the highest incidence of crimes against life were Sombrerete, Fresnillo and Zacatecas, the report obtained through the Transparency Unit revealed.

  

             


    


Zetas Narco Banners: "We Are Not Dividing"

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Chivis Martinez for Borderland Beat


Narco Mantas (banners) signed by the Los Zetas cartel appeared over the week end in multiple states. 
The message on the mantas is essentially the same; refuting the persistent rumors that the cartel has been subjected to infighting, in particular between its leaders;

Heriberto Lazcano aka "El Lazca" or "Z3", and Miguel Trevino Morales aka "Z40".  Lazcano is a leader from the founding group, Trevino was hired when the Zetas became the enforcer group for the Gulf Cartel. Trevino is a brutal leader and said to be responsible for the cartels diversification into kidnapping and extortion. 


Trevino is often the target of taunts in narco mantas of rival cartels, as they refer to his stint as a car washer.

The photos are of the mantas  hung in Saltillo, the capital of the Mexican state of Coahuila, a Zeta stronghold and in the vicinty where one or more of  the Los Zetas reside.







THE BANNER TEXT IN SPANISH:

LOS ZETAS NO SE DIVIDEN”. Se unen más que nunca en contra de los informantes Pitarrones. Eso de la división ES CAMPAÑA BARATA de los informantes.
Attn  Unidad Zeta
Mas unidos que Nunca
“Sufragio Efectivo no Reelección” B9223601
TRANSLATED TO ENGLISH:
The Zetas are not dividing.
We are more united than ever against the blowhard informants 
The division is just a cheap campaign of the informants.
Sincerely,
United Zeta
more united than ever
"Real Democracy, No Reelection"  B9223601*
*NOTE: This slogan was the battle cry of the Mexican Revolution, which began in 1910. The phrase "no reelección" refers to the president at the time, Porfirio Diaz,  who was in his sixth term. Under the current constitution, Mexican presidents are allowed to serve only one six-year term called a "sexenio". They cannot be reelected. In Mexico, the phrase is commonly found at the bottom of documentation, however has no relevance to the content of a document. 

ADDITIONALLY, a reader contributed this analysis, which I find plausible:
"What they mean by democracy and no re election is that they have a good leadership structure and that the main boss is lazcano and he is the one that runs them,  "B-9223601 that is similar to Lazcanos signature that number is the number that was assigned to Lazcano while being a GAFE"

Mexican Supreme Court mulls fate of Colonel Arias Agredano

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By Chris Covert
Rantburg.com

A Mexican Army colonel's fate awaiting a decision by the Mexican Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nacion (SCJN) or Mexican Supreme Court, will have to wait longer, according to Mexican news accounts.

An article from a news dispatch which appeared in El Imparcial  news daily Monday afternoon, said that the court had discussed, sometimes in heated fashion whether the case of Colonel Jose Guadalupe Arias Agredano should be tried  in a civilian court for a murder he allegedly covered up, or if the Mexican military should have jurisdiction.

In April, 2012, an unidentified federal judge ordered annulled the military arrest warrant of Colonel Arias Agredano, the decision of which was appealed and was brought before the SCJN. Colonel Arias Agredano has asked the court to reverse the decision saying he is in physical danger should he be ordered to a civilian prison.

Charges against Colonel Arias Agredano come from the arrest of  Jethro Ramses Sanchez Santana who was detained by Veracruz municipal police agents on May 25th, 2011 in Veracruz state along with Horacio Cervantes Demessa, for the murder of Juan Francisco Sicilia Ortega earlier that March.

Sicilia Ortega was the son of Javier Sicilia, leader of the Mexican Movement for Peace and Justice with Dignity.  Sicilia Ortega was kidnapped and then later found strangled and stuffed into a vehicle along with seven other victims.  His murder sparked Javier Sicilia's formation of his peace movement, and several high profile protest demonstrations that spring and beyond.

Colonel Arias Agredano's alleged role in the murder of Sanchez Santana included his attempts to cover up the death of the detainee after he had choked to death on his own vomit during an interrogation.  Sanchez Santana  was later found dead on August 11th in Atlixco, Puebla.  Cervantes Demessa was later found in Coatetelco colony in Miacatlan municipality badly beaten.

Alleged in the incident was that Sanchez Santana had been beaten by two junior army officers during the interrogation.  Those officers have been identified as lieutenants Jose Guadalupe Orizaga y Guerra and Edwin Raziel Aguilar Guerrero.   Both lieutenants Orizaga y Guerra and Aguilar Guerrero  were also identified as the military officers who took custody of Cervantes Demessa and  Sanchez Santana from the Policia Federal detachment which originally detained the two suspects.  The detainees were later taken to a blacksmith shop located near the facilities of the Mexican 21st Infantry Battalion in Morelos state where they were beaten.

Both officers were arrested July 4th and confessed to the murder of  Sanchez Santana.

The legal issues being discussed Monday concern a July, 2011 SCJN decision that said human right cases involving military personnel must be tried in civilian courts.  The decision temporarily threw the Mexican military into an uproar.  Senior military officials, although protesting the decision later said that they would abide by the decision.

The decision came from a forced disappearance case of Radilla Pacheco, who was allegedly detained by a Mexican Army unit at a checkpoint in Guerrero state on August 25th, 1974, and was never seen again.  Radilla Pacheco's disappearance took place in the depths of Mexico's Dirty War between 1968 and 1982, when a succession of Mexican presidents used their military to deal harshly with radical and radical political movements, mostly in Guerrero state and central Mexico.

The Radilla Pacheco case had made it as far as the Inter American Court on Human Rights which ordered Mexico to investigate the case using civilian not military prosecutors.  A court case sent to the SCJN determined that all human rights cases involving Mexican military personnel must be prosecuted in civilian courts.

According to statistics provided by Mexican human rights groups about 1,500 cases of forced disappearances during the Dirty War can potentially be investigated by civilian courts.  But little news has emerged that any of those cases will be investigated under the new order.  Two high profile rape cases of two indigenous women that took place in 2002, were transferred from military to civilian courts last year in the wake of that decision, but it is unlikely either of those cases will ever see any criminal resolution.
Justice Juan Silva Meza


When the July, 2011 decision was announced, the president of the SCJN, Juan Silva Meza walked back the decision the next day, saying that Mexican federal judges would have complete discretion as to whether a case involving Mexican military personnel would be prosecuted in civilian or military courts.

According to the El Imparcial article, even that decision does not appear to as rigorously observed even by the very court which announced it.  One of the likely reasons why is that Mexican deputies have been pushing to reform the Mexican code of military justice Article 57, separating all but murder from the list of offenses which military prosecutors are required to prosecute.

Mexican president Felipe Calderon Hinojosa and his Secretaria de Defensa Nacional (SEDENA), the controlling agency for the Mexican Army, General Guillermo Galvan Galvan also have been urging deputies to reform Article 57.

Chris Covert writes Mexican Drug War and national political news for Rantburg.com

The Zetas: The new fourth estate(*)

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Eduardo Guerrero Gutierrez

(Translated by un vato for Borderland Beat)

Mexico, D.F. Proceso. 8-7-2012. In July, attacks against communications media facilities in Monterrey increased. The daily El Norte was the object of three attacks, and another victim was Dipsa (the company that distributes Proceso weekly magazine, among others).  These attacks take place in a context of aggression against the principal print media in the northeast part of the country: El Norte had already been the target of attacks on at least three occasions since 2010; El Manana, in Nuevo Laredo, has been attacked twice this year,  and in 2011, the facade of El Siglo de Torreon was hit with a burst of gunfire, and that of El Buen Toro, in Veracruz, was set on fire. Another relevant fact: of the 12 journalists murdered this past year, eight were in Veracruz. A common feature in the geography of these attacks is that they have happened in places where the Zetas have a predominant presence.

Why would the Zetas undertake a campaign of systemic aggression against communications media? This last year, the Zetas have faced a series of external pressures. The federal government has carried out operations aimed at reducing their operational capability, which has resulted in the capture or arrest at least 13 of its leaders.  The Sinaloa Cartel has capitalized on the vulnerability these operations generate and has carried out incursions intended to extend its presence into places where the Zetas operate. Also, this past June 11, Jose Trevino Morales,  brother of Miguel Angel, El Z-40, and other members of the organization were arrested in the United States.

These pressures have generated tensions and created a crisis of trust within the Zeta power structure. There are even rumors of a split.  At this juncture, the Zetas' priority is to prevent the spread of information that would result in one or more of the following:  weaken the public's perception that they are a united and powerful organization; exacerbate their reputation of being an armed group prone to extreme and indiscriminate violence (an feature skilfully exploited by the Sinaloa Cartel), or that reveals the ties it maintains with extensive networks of government officials to create profitable illegal businesses. With respect to this last point, the Zetas are particularly vulnerable to information leaks about its operations. Unlike the Sinaloa Cartel, which focuses to a greater degree in international drug trafficking, the Zetas derive a substantial portion of their revenues from crimes at the domestic level, such as extortion, kidnapping and fuel theft, activities that require a greater degree of collusion with authorities and other actors in formal sectors of the economy. 

This is why recent attacks against El Norte and Proceso's distributor in Monterrey are part of a strategy to prevent the dissemination of information contrary to the interests of the organization. The daily newspapers of the Reforma Group were the only ones to disseminate a translation of a note that the New York Times published  on June 13 (2012), in which were revealed details of an extensive money laundering network that one of it leaders operated in the United States.  On July 19, El Norte also revealed the existence of a motor vehicle license plate trafficking network in Nuevo Leon (that presumably generated substantial profits for the Zetas), and this same newspaper daily publishes timely information about crime and violence in Monterrey.  As for Proceso, on July 19 it published an extensive article about the presumed  schism within the Zetas and repeated the principal accusations of betrayal made against one of its principal leaders. In addition, in May and June (Proceso) published a two volume special edition that contained 44  extensive articles about the Zetas.

In short, through their violent and intimidating actions, the Zetas are (or will soon be) the new fourth estate in several states around the country. 

*The author is an expert in security, transparency, access to information and professionalizing public service. This article was published originally in the daily newspaper, Reforma, on Friday, August 3, (2012) .

Translated by un vato for Borderland Beat 
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