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Censor or die: The death of Mexican news in the age of drug cartels

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Posted by DD, republished from Washington Post
dd: a thanks to chimera for posting on the BB Forum.
Hildbrando “Brando” Deandar’s family has been in northern Mexico’s journalism business for nearly 100 years. But in the past 10 years, one beat has become a potentially fatal task: reporting on the country’s savage drug cartels. (Brad Horn/The Washington Post)
There is a 4 minute video with the story in the Washington Post, but I could not embed it here.  It is titled "One Journalist"s experience on Mexico's deadliest beat"  Click the WP link above to watch it. 
By Dana Priest
REYNOSA, Mexico — As deadline descended on El Mañana’s newsroom and reporters rushed to file their stories, someone in the employ of a local drug cartel called with a demand from his crime boss.

The caller was a journalist for another newspaper, known here as an enlace, or “link” to the cartel. The compromised journalist barked out the order: Publish an article saying the mayor in Matamoros had not paid the cartel $2 million a month in protection fees, as an El Mañana front-page story had alleged the day before.

“They want us to say he’s not guilty,” the editor who took the call told his colleagues during the episode in late October. Knowing glances passed between them as a visiting Washington Post reporter looked on.

They all knew that defiance carried a high price.

The enlaces are part of the deeply institutionalized system of cartel censorship imposed on media outlets in northeastern Mexico abutting the border of Texas. How it works is an open secret in newsrooms here but not among readers. They are unaware of the life-and-death decisions editors make every day not to anger different local cartel commanders, each of whom has his own media philosophy.

Submitting to cartel demands is the only way to survive, said Hildebrando “Brando” Deandar Ayala, 39, editor in chief of El Mañana, one of the oldest and largest newspapers in the region with a print circulation of 30,000. “You do it or you die, and nobody wants to die,” he said. “Autocensura — self-censorship — that’s our shield.”

Readers get angry when they don’t get the news they need, he said. Resentment against El Mañana grew so strong two years ago that reporters took the logos off their cars and stopped carrying their identification on assignments.

“The readers hate us sometimes,” Deandar said. “But they don’t know the real risks we go through.”

Mexico has long been a deadly place for reporters. Some 88 journalists have been slain in the last two decades, according to Article 19, a worldwide advocacy group that promotes press freedom.

The risks have been especially high for El Mañana because its circulation area is bounded to the west by the birthplace of the Zetas criminal network in Nuevo Laredo and to the east by the Gulf crime syndicate’s home base in Matamoros.

In February, the last time El Mañana defied a cartel’s censorship rules, an editor in its Matamoros bureau was dragged outside, stuffed in a van and beaten as his abductors drove around threatening him with death.
 
“Next time, we’ll kill you!” one yelled before pushing him out of the vehicle.

Four El Mañana journalists have been killed in the past 10 years. Others survived assassination attempts, kidnappings, and grenade and machine-gun attacks on their offices. Deandar has been shot, kidnapped and had his home set on fire, he said.
Hildebrando “Brando” Deandar Ayala, editor in chief of El Mañana, center, checks in with different departments at the newspaper’s office in Reynosa, Mexico, on Oct. 29. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)

The worst assaults began in 2004, when an editor in Nuevo Laredo was stabbed to death. Two years later, gunmen broke into the bureau there, detonated a grenade and sprayed machine gunfire, leaving one employee paralyzed.  Afterward, bulletproof glass and electronic security keys were installed at its three offices, where the blinds are always drawn.

In March 2010, when the Gulf cartel defeated the Zetas for control of Reynosa, it took revenge on three El Mañana reporters whom the Zetas had forced to watch one of its mass executions.

The cartel called the three Reynosa reporters and told them, “ ‘either you come in or we’ll pick you up,’ ” an editor there at the time recalled. They surrendered to the cartel and were never heard from again. Their presumed slayings were never reported by El Mañana, editors said, because that’s what the Gulf commander demanded. The enlace passed word that the killings were a one-time message to the Zetas, not a tactic the cartel intended to repeat against the newspaper.

Twice in 2012, gunmen from the Zetas shot up the offices of the Nuevo Laredo bureau. Not long after, El Mañana announced it would no longer print cartel news in its Nuevo Laredo edition. Articles about Nuevo Laredo crime sometimes appear in other editions, but without a byline or names in the story.

Five of nine bodies are shown hanging from a bridge in the Mexican border city of Nuevo Laredo, in Tamaulipas state, in the early morning of May 4, 2012. The bodies showed signs of beating and torture. (Raul Llamas/Agence France-Presse via Getty Images)


North America’s ISIS

 The cartels’ tactics resemble those most Americans would associate with al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. The display of multiple beheaded corpses and bodies hanging from bridges are a regular occurrence. Hundreds of young people have disappeared. Mass graves are commonplace.

The comparison with terrorist groups 7,300 miles away frustrates journalists here. They watch the endless international coverage of Middle East violence yet know that the terrorism just across the U.S. border is largely ignored by the American media.

Mexico’s 2014 murder rate of 13 per 100,000 is twice as high as Afghanistan’s.

“We have a war here, and we’re doing war reporting,” said Ildefonso “Poncho” Ortiz, a deeply sourced reporter for Breitbart News Network’s Cartel Chronicles, one of the only American outlets to track cartel maneuvers. “Sometimes AP [the Associated Press wire service] will pick up a story, but other than that, it never leaves the valley.”

The three largest U.S. newspapers nearby — the Brownsville Herald, the Monitor in McAllen, Tex., and the Laredo Morning Times — forbid their reporters from crossing to report because it’s too dangerous, according to the editors at the newspapers.

Pervasive corruption abets the violence. The local police forces have been disbanded and replaced by the army and federal police in the northern Mexican state of Tamaulipas, which includes Matamoros, Nuevo Laredo and Reynosa.

A car bomb killed the Nuevo Laredo mayor one week after he was sworn in. The new Matamoros mayor survived an ambush in March. Cartels install surveillance cameras throughout their cities and employ lookouts with cellphones to keep watch. U.S. Border Patrol officers are regularly indicted for cooperating with organized crime.

“Tamaulipas is a black hole when it comes to information,” said Aaron Nelsen, a reporter based in McAllen for the San Antonio Express-News. “It’s so hard to get anyone to talk about it,” even elected U.S. officials.
Hildebrando Deandar Ayala, editor in chief of El Mañana, sits in the newspaper’s office in McAllen, Tex., in October. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)
Ildefonso “Poncho” Ortiz, a reporter with Breitbart News Network, lives in the United States but regularly reports on cartel activities along the Mexico border. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)
A cartel media director

El Mañana’s circulation area includes major U.S. border cities; its online editions are read as far north as San Antonio and Houston.

It is a third-generation family enterprise, founded in 1924 as an anti-establishment voice. Over most of its 91 years, its formidable enemies were corrupt politicians and their hand-picked prosecutors.

The newspaper now maintains a working relationship with the local governments, as evidenced by the government advertising it receives. Withholding state advertising dollars is a common and effective economic hammer used against media outlets whose investigations upset the status quo.

“When it’s not the politicians against us, it’s the drug dealers,” said Heriberto Deandar, 78, who co-owns El Mañana with his brother, Brando’s father. “He who is not afraid has no courage.”

Brando was raised in Reynosa but moved to McAllen in 2007 for safety reasons. He commutes to work. Asked why he doesn’t find a safer job, he said simply, “It’s in my blood. I cannot leave.”
 
During a recent visit to the town, the eerie atmosphere was inescapable.

Reynosa’s wide boulevards were nearly empty. Heavily armed soldiers patrolled in black masks to protect their identities from cartels resentful of the army’s two-year occupation.
 
Military helicopters whooped periodically overhead, racing to shootouts or hunting suspects. At dusk, hundreds of cars streamed slowly across the international bridge to McAllen, where an increasing number of well-to-do Mexicans have moved their families to safety.

The Metros faction of the Gulf cartel controls much of civic life and all contraband — drugs, sex slaves, immigrant smuggling, fuel, stolen vehicles — in or moving through Reynosa, said journalists and media experts here. Its commander, whose parents are from Reynosa, has a more liberal view of the media than his counterparts in the other two cities.

He seems to care about his image, too, they said, as evidenced by the “narcobanners” that appeared on city bridges in November.

“This is to make it clear that I am a narcotrafficker, not a terrorist like you’ve been saying in the media,” the cartel boss declared in one handwritten sheet-sized banner. “Investigate and check your facts. Crime has lessened since I took charge.”

In Matamoros, though, the commander of the cartel’s Ciclones faction tolerates no coverage. In Nuevo Laredo, the Zetas have a commander of finance, assassinations, logistics, stolen vehicles and fuel, weapons, prostitution, immigrant smuggling — and media.

The Zetas media director, a clean-cut, 30-something man described by one person who knows him as “a pretty friendly guy,” calls enlaces and beat reporters at El Mañana and other media outlets every day to tell them what stories the cartel wants published or censored. One day it’s a story critical of new government limits on imported cars; the next it’s a birthday party in the social pages featuring a cartel boss’s daughter. Sometimes the media director provides photos and video for an article.

“It’s a common conversation every day,” one reporter said.

Reporters have learned to consult him on nearly everything, one media expert said. Even a car crash isn’t a simple car crash. “You have to call somebody to make sure you can write about it,” one journalist said, because it might actually not be an accident but a purposeful vehicular homicide organized by the cartel.

Critical coverage of local politicians is also forbidden.

The three cartel commanders’ differing media philosophies force El Mañana to produce three distinctly different editions. “If you want to find out what’s happening in Nuevo Laredo or Matamoros, you read El Mañana de Reynosa,” Deandar said.

For example, when Mexican troops captured the leader of the Matamoros faction in October, known as “Ciclón 7,” El Mañana did not print a word about it in its Matamoros edition. But in Reynosa and Nuevo Laredo, it was banner news.
 
With Ciclón 7 gone, Deandar said, “we are waiting to see who is the next chief, so we’ll know the rules.”

Hildebrando Deandar Ayala, editor in chief of El Mañana, right, and Enrique Juarez, his Matamoros editor who was kidnapped by the cartel in February because the paper defied its news blackout, discuss coverage in Deandar’s office. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post

Mechanics of self-censorship
 After hearing the enlace’s demand to exonerate the allegedly corrupt mayor in Matamoros, the editor on duty rubbed his head trying to contain himself.
 
“First they tell us what not to publish, now they are telling us what to publish!” he yelled before heading upstairs to his office.

He dialed the editor in Matamoros who had passed the enlace’s message to Reynosa, put the phone on speaker mode and upped the volume so the whole room could hear.
 
Enlaces pass instructions via phone calls, text messages, apps and in personal meetings. They often communicate cartel demands to crime reporters who show up at the scene of shootouts, blockades, car bombs and executions.

Sometimes a cartel member will run into crime reporters at the scene.

“They’ll say, ‘Get the hell out of here! We’ll kill you!’ And we have to go,” one reporter said.
 Three minutes into the conversation with the Matamoros editor, the senior editor began raising his voice about the enlace.

“Give me his name and number!” he shouted. “And tell him you’re not going to take any more messages! No more! Tell him if you take any more messages, I’m going to fire you!”

He hung up, waved around the piece of paper with the enlace’s name and phone number on it and then stood up. It was getting dark. Time to leave for a safer city.

The front-page story that upset the cartel was a reprinted interview with the new mayor of Matamoros, Leticia Salazar, an anti-corruption crusader. The interview was conducted by the national Excelsior newspaper. In it, she accused her predecessor of paying the Gulf cartel more than $2 million a month in protection fees from public works funds and towing fees.

El Mañana’s editors felt safe publishing the interview in all editions because it seemed like a political corruption story, not one about the cartel.

The cartel demand that followed was to run an interview with the former mayor quoting him as saying he was innocent of the allegations. But the former mayor had not requested an interview.

As he left the building, the duty editor said he planned to call the former mayor on the way home.

Speeding through Reynosa’s back roads in the dark, he called the former mayor, who said he had not requested an interview and did not know the cartel had demanded one on his behalf.

It was time for a decision. “If you want an interview, we can do it in our office or over the phone,” the editor said. If it’s in the office, “we will need a photo of the interview; if it’s over the phone, we’ll have to record it. Either way, we need to show it was real,” not something made up by the cartel.

We won’t publish it right away, the editor added, so the cartel won’t think it can tell the newspaper what to print.

The interview ran three days later, in all editions, including Matamoros, where it mattered most to the cartel. But there was no byline, not even in the Reynosa edition. Instead, it read simply, El Mañana/Staff.
A photo shows a notice attributed to an organized crime gang that was left next to the decapitated body of Maria Elizabeth Macias, the 39-year-old chief editor of the newspaper Primera Hora who was found in Nuevo Laredo. The message was signed “ZZZZ,” normally associated with the Zetas drug gang. (Agence France-Presse via Getty Images)

Social media steps up

Several years ago, shopkeepers, doctors, lawyers, mechanics, local government workers and students began to fill the void in local news with social-media coverage. It took the cartels a while to understand what was happening on anonymous Twitter accounts and Facebook pages.

Once they did, retribution followed. On Sept. 26, 2011, the decapitated body of a female blogger was left at the Christopher Columbus monument in Nuevo Laredo. Next to her corpse were two keyboards and a handwritten warning, signed “ZZZZ.”

But social-media crime reporting has only grown in the four years since. It includes real-time maps of shootout locations, slayings and kidnappings as well as endless cellphone videos of crimes in progress.

During the Post reporter’s visit in October, alerts and bulletins about news that went unreported by El Mañana were rife on social media:

Oct 17, 2:39 p.m. @MichaelNike8: Near the exit to San Fernando, tires burning to distract the authorities
 
Oct 21, 1:50 p.m. @SSPTAM: Avoid the area between Reynosa and Monterrey. Authorities are responding (to a situation)
 Nov. 3: @Codigo Rojo [Code Red]: Yesterday, federal agents captured 3 men and a female commander of Toro [the local cartel commander in Reynosa] and seized 3 new trucks and around 20 guns, including 5 or 6 guns covered in gold and diamonds; This photo shows what was taken out of just one of the trucks.

Also trending on Twitter the same week was the one-year anniversary of the killing of @Miut3.

@Miut3 was a prolific citizen crime reporter. She tweeted the location of shootouts, explosions, carjackings and the identities of disappeared people. On Oct. 15, 2014, her anonymous account was hacked. Soon afterward, she became unreachable.
A tweet from the account of Maria Del Rosario Fuentes Rubio seen in a screenshot, which has been modified by The Washington Post to protect the identity of other Twitter users and with respect to Rubio's family.
Her followers frantically refreshed their Twitter feeds trying to find her. The next morning, at 5:04 a.m., a tweet from her account appeared: “Friends and family, my real name is Maria Del Rosario Fuentes Rubio, I’m a doctor and today, my life has come to an end.”
 
Minutes later, two photos appeared on her account. One showed Fuentes Rubio in distress. “Close your accounts, don’t risk your families the way I did,” her account read. “I ask you all for forgiveness.”

The second photo showed what appeared to be her bloodied face and corpse on the ground. No one has been arrested.

An opening

In February, a few months after Fuentes Rubio was killed, the two factions of the Gulf cartel in northeastern Mexico went to war again. The chaos provided El Mañana with the kind of journalistic opening it hadn’t had in 15 years.

With the cartel preoccupied, El Mañana became the newspaper it might otherwise be had circumstances been different. The entire newsroom deployed to cover the battles. Dramatic photos, detailed articles and screaming headlines won Mexico’s attention.

Readers in Reynosa finally got the full story of what was happening around them:

Day One: “Border in Shock,” “Shoot-Outs and Roadblocks . . . ”
Day Two: “Border Under Siege: Marines Attacked, Three Armed Men Killed, Soldiers Wounded”
 
The cover of El Mañana newspaper. (El Mañana)
The cover of El Mañana newspaper. (El Mañana)

 “We were all excited in the newsroom,” said a longtime senior editor who shepherded the coverage. “It was an adrenaline rush.”

“No other newspaper in the state” provided such detailed coverage. “They were all afraid,” he said, nodding toward Deandar. “We have a courageous boss.”

This was such big news, Deandar said he thought at the time, that he wanted to share it even with readers in Matamoros despite the standing cartel news blackout there. To be cautious, there would be no bylines and no names of cartel members.

The cartels would not approve, cautioned Enrique Juarez, his Matamoros editor.

Just after midnight, the red printing press in Reynosa rolled out Day Three’s edition. “Nine Dead in Fighting: Third Day Siege in Urban Areas and Roads.” Delivery trucks dashed to their distribution hubs.

By 3 a.m., El Mañana employees discovered that the truck carrying the newspapers for Matamoros had vanished. Deandar rallied a posse; they found the vehicle at noon in an abandoned field, still full of newspapers. He ordered the papers be delivered to Matamoros, where they hit the streets an hour later.

Juarez, up in his second-floor office, got threatening phone calls right away.

At 4 p.m., as deadline loomed, someone called from the lobby asking him to come down. He found a knife and braced himself. Armed men burst in. One picked up a big jug of water and threw it at him, causing him to drop the knife.

“We’re going to break you!” one yelled, as they dragged him away. They stuffed him into a van, beat him about the head and back, and shoved him onto the pavement an hour or so later.

A story about Juarez’s abduction and a photo of him at his desk, with the assaulting water jug, ran on Day Four next to the headline, “30 Dead Already, Mayor Suffers Grenade Attack, US Consul Suspends Operations”

It did not appear in the Matamoros edition. Juarez and his family left the city. He no longer works in Matamoros
.
“If I had the opportunity to leave . . . ” His voice trails off.
Enrique Juarez, an editor who was kidnapped over a story the cartel did not like, is shown in the El Mañana office in Reynosa, Mexico, in October. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)


 Rosario Carmona, a Hubert H. Humphrey Fellow at the University of Maryland’s Phillip Merrill School of Journalism, where Priest holds the Knight Chair in Public Affairs Journalism; Alexander Quiñones, a graduate student there; and Post researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.


































Shootout on "El Chapo's" birth place leaves eight dead

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A shootout in the town of San José del Barranco, a Badiraguato Township, in the state of Sinaloa, left eight men dead, one of them was the security chief of  the brother of Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman.

The confrontation was between two criminal groups who are fighting for control of the drug trade and those who died were from the ranches of La Tuna, Los Licitos and San Jose del Barranco, all from the same municipality.

La Tuna is where the family of "El Chapo" Guzman lives, and from the time he managed to escape the Navy has strengthened its operations in Mexico to locate him.


One of the men who died was Cristóbal Muro Valdez, El 02, who was the bodyguard of  Aureliano Guzman Loera, "El Guano", who used to lived in San Jose del Barraco.


Muro Valdez was a lieutenant in Guzman Loera's group, and had one of the highest ranks, he was responsible to find and oversee the location of land for the cultivation of narcotics in the Golden Triangle. He was a friend of the Salgueiro brothers, who control the area on the Chihuahua side, in the municipality of Guadalupe and Calvo.


The other men who were killed were identified as Ezequiel Lazcano, Germán Muro; brothers Gabriel and Manuel Valdez, Jesús Enrique Sepúlveda and brothers Ricardo and Masiel Arenías.


According to residents of the area, the funeral of "El 02" was heavily guarded by the Navy, because they hoped El Chapo's family will attend or Chapo Guzman himself.

Also today at around 7:25 pm Luis Alberto Muro Valdez, 35 years old was found dead is the Culiacan prison. He was found hanging from a cord in the bathroom according to El Debate,

This article was translated from Proceso

Devils, Deals and the DEA

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Posted by DD Republished from propublica 
thanks to Breccia for publishing the story on BB Forum first.
Drawing byTim McDonagh, special to ProPublica

Why Chapo Guzman was the biggest winner in the DEA's longest running drug cartel case

 

For 14 months, the first thing Dave Herrod, a special agent with the Drug Enforcement Administration, did every morning was boot up his laptop and begin tracking a 43-foot yacht with Dock Holiday painted on the stern.

In the summer of 2005, the DEA had intercepted a conversation in which members of a Mexican drug cartel known as the Arellano Félix Organization discussed buying a yacht in California. Herrod and his colleagues studied the classified ads in yacht magazines and determined that the Dock Holiday was the boat the AFO members wanted. DEA agents then managed to get on board and install tracking devices before the sale went through. That’s when Herrod started watching the boat on his laptop.

 Since the early 1990s, the Arellano brothers — the inspiration for the Obregón brothers in the movie Traffic— had controlled the flow of drugs through what was perhaps the single most important point for illicit commerce in the world: the border crossing from Tijuana to San Diego. Much of the AFO’s success derived from its predilection for innovative violence. The cartel employed a crew of “baseballistas” who would hang victims from rafters, like piñatas, and beat them to death with bats. Pozole, the Spanish word for a traditional Mexican stew, was the AFO’s euphemism for a method of hiding high-profile victims: Stuff them headfirst into a barrel of hot lye or acid and stir for 24 hours until only their teeth were left, then pour them down the drain. 

Dismantling the AFO had been an official project of the U.S. government since 1992, and an obsession of Herrod’s since the year before that, when he’d started chasing the cartel as a rookie agent stationed near San Diego. A former athlete, he spent years guzzling Pepsi and Mountain Dew to power through long workdays. His health, like everything else, took a backseat to the AFO case.

After the sale of the Dock Holiday, the trackers showed the vessel hugging the coast of Mexico’s Baja California peninsula, rounding the tip of Cabo San Lucas, and heading north into the Gulf of California to La Paz. Once in a while, it sailed to Rancho Leonero, where Javier Arellano Félix, the head of the AFO at the time, had a beach house. Herrod knew that Javier loved deep-sea fishing, and he was convinced that the cartel’s chief executive was using the boat. So the DEA launched Operation Shadow Game. The plan: Watch the Dock Holiday to find out if Javier would be on it, then intercept the boat should it stray beyond Mexico’s territorial waters.

For six weeks, the U.S. Coast Guard cutter Monsoon stood sentinel off Baja California, waiting for the yacht to venture more than 12 nautical miles off the coast and into international waters. But it never did. On August 12, 2006, Operation Shadow Game came to an end. The Monsoon set off for other duties, and Herrod left his laptop dark for the first time since the previous summer.

Two days later, he got a call at 8 a.m. from the Florida-based Joint Interagency Task Force South, which was still monitoring the tracking devices. The Dock Holiday had left Mexican sovereignty south of Cabo San Lucas. The men on the boat were chasing marlin, zigzagging in and out of international waters: out to 19 miles, back to 10 miles, then out to 15, then back to 12. The task force wanted to know whether the Coast Guard should board the Dock Holiday if the opportunity arose.

Herrod had only a hunch as to who was on the boat. The DEA had deemed the operation an expensive failure and pulled its on-the-ground surveillance weeks earlier. Agents who had worked on the AFO case for years were being reassigned entirely. Herrod figured he’d never have another chance to catch Javier outside of Mexico. Without asking his supervisors, he gave the order: Send the Monsoon back.

At 1 p.m., 13.1 nautical miles off Mexico, the Coast Guard intercepted the Dock Holiday. Herrod waited at the office in San Diego, pacing back and forth, as the Coast Guard collected identification from those on board. Agents shuffled past his cubicle asking for updates, like restless children on a road trip. After two hours, he got a message from the Monsoon: eight men and three boys on board. At 4 p.m., photographs started coming through by e-mail. The first two faces, those of the captain and a crewman, were unfamiliar. So were the next two. Could he have been wrong? Then came the fifth picture, and it took Herrod’s breath away: a mustachioed man in a pale-yellow Lacoste shirt, reclining on white-leather seats. This was “El Nalgón,” or “Big Ass”: Manuel Arturo Villarreal Heredia, the 30-year-old chief enforcer for the AFO. According to agents, he was known for his facility with knife-based torture.

Herrod had never seen the young man in the sixth photo, though he had the Arellano family’s heavy eyebrows. Next came pictures of the three children and another unfamiliar man. In the final photo, staring wide-eyed into the camera, was a compact, square-jawed man wearing a thin gold chain that disappeared under the collar of his salmon-colored T-shirt. His pursed lips were framed by stubble and his eyebrows arched in subtle confusion. Herrod and an agent sitting beside him shot out of their chairs. The man was Javier.
Javier Arellano Félix, the head of the AFO drug cartel, was on his yacht when it was intercepted by the Coast Guard after it strayed beyond Mexican waters. Javier was the AFO’s Michael Corleone: he left Tijuana, but was called back to the family business, and showed his talent for calculated violence.  
The youngest of the Arellano brothers, he was the AFO’s Michael Corleone. He hadn’t asked to be in the family business — had left Tijuana and gone to business school, only to be called back — but, like Corleone in The Godfather, the young overlord had displayed a talent for organized crime and calculated violence. As the head of the AFO, he had directed hundreds of killings and kidnappings in Mexico and the U.S.

Javier’s arrest would be hailed by officials in the States as a decisive victory in what may have been the longest active case in the DEA’s history — a rare triumph in the War on Drugs. “We feel like we’ve taken the head off the snake,” the agency’s chief of operations announced. I can’t believe it actually fucking worked, Herrod recalls thinking.

But did it? Herrod is 50 years old now and nearing the end of his career with the DEA. In the time he spent hunting the Arellanos, his hair and goatee went from black to salt-and-pepper to finally just plain salt. He’s proud of the audacity and perseverance it took to bring down the cartel, and he knows he helped prevent murders and kidnappings. But when he looks back, he doesn’t see the clear-cut triumph portrayed in press releases. Instead, he and other agents who worked the case say the experience left them disillusioned. And far from stopping the flow of drugs, taking out the AFO only cleared territory for Joaquín Guzmán Loera — aka “El Chapo” — and his now nearly unstoppable Sinaloa cartel. Guzmán even lent the DEA a hand.

This is the story of the investigation as the agents saw it, including accounts of alleged crimes that were never adjudicated in court. “Drug enforcement as we know it,” Herrod told me, “is not working.”
                                              *********************************

Dave Herrod came to the DEA in 1991 from the U.S. Customs Service, looking for work with more gravity. He was 26, just two months out of the academy, when he got his first tip: Two vans, one tan and one blue, parked near a liquor store at Third and Main in Chula Vista, had recently crossed into the U.S. with one ton of cocaine. A ton of cocaine, parked in the open in Chula Vista? But sure enough, there, at Third and Main, was a tan van with the windows blacked out. Agents followed it to a house, where they found the blue van.
Joe Palacios
The tip came from a man named Joe Palacios, a Mexican who would have been a DEA agent had he been born a few miles north. Instead he earned his living as a DEA adjunct, gathering intelligence in exchange for payment. Agents called him “Eye in the Sky,” because they operated him like a satellite: Direct him to a target, and he would send back information. The tip sounded preposterous.

Inside the two vans, they discovered 1.8 tons of cocaine bricks where the seats should have been. The DEA is going to be easy!, Herrod thought. He had no idea that the drugs belonged to the AFO, and that he’d just stumbled into the investigation that would haunt him for the next 20 years. But he got a hint that this was not an isolated bust when agents discovered that the vans had been let through the Tijuana crossing by a corrupt U.S. border inspector named John Salazar. After flunking a polygraph, Salazar came clean: He had been taking bribes from smugglers.

Jack Robinson
A few months later, Jack Robertson — another special agent, only slightly less green than Herrod — officially opened the DEA’s case targeting the Arellano brothers. Robertson was as idealistic as investigators come: empathetic and devoutly Christian, with a knack for getting young gang members to open up. He was also ambitious, and he’d been hearing about the AFO, which had just begun to dominate the Tijuana corridor. One informant was afraid to even utter the Arellano name.

Robertson says his boss, Michele Leonhart — who would go on to become the head of the DEA — thought they could wrap the case in six months. But six months in, the case was just getting under way. The Arellano brothers kept themselves insulated from their street dealers and low-level thugs — hit men had to pass requests for permission to murder through a dispatcher, who would relay a coded answer back. So agents had to start by pressuring arrested smugglers to give up information about their superiors, and then work toward identifying the key lieutenants in Tijuana and Mexicali. These were the men who took orders directly from the brothers.

Following on the success of the vans’ seizure, the DEA began working with the Customs Service on Operation Bus Stop. The idea was to follow Sultana Express tour buses, which were thought to be smuggling drugs across the border. Palacios would tail the buses once they entered Mexico to see where they were getting loaded up with drugs. On his first attempt, he slid in behind a bus as it passed into Tijuana but was immediately pulled over at gunpoint by Mexican police demanding to know why he was following the bus. Palacios talked his way out of trouble — What bus?— but suddenly the case felt bigger.
U.S. agents were disappointed that Palacios had lost the bus so quickly. But that night, he did a complete grid search of Tijuana, scouring the city one street at a time. At 6 a.m., he called Herrod from the beach community of Playas de Tijuana, where he read the plate off a Sultana Express bus. “I just could not believe he pulled that off,” Herrod told me. He marveled at Palacios’s tirelessness, and his courage.

For months, Palacios followed buses to an AFO warehouse, where they were fitted with secret compartments and loaded with cocaine. Based on his surveillance, U.S. authorities made more than 50 arrests north of the border over the course of nine months and intercepted drugs, guns, and grenades.

The agents and their bosses were ecstatic, but Palacios was nervous. He’d noticed the AFO stepping up its countersurveillance. He spoke with Herrod about ensuring that his family would be taken care of should something happen to him. His wife had just had a baby, their fifth. Herrod tried to reassure him. “We’re doing some great things,” he said, “but if you’re getting a funny feeling, just bail. It’s not worth anybody’s life.”

Palacios was paid a few thousand dollars a month, Herrod told me, some of which he spent on gas and on hiring people to help him keep watch. Herrod urged the higher-ups on the investigation from both Customs and the DEA to rent Palacios a new car each week, so that his brown van wouldn’t be recognized. After repeated requests, Herrod said, the government finally bought Palacios a used Volkswagen Rabbit that barely ran. He didn’t end up driving it.

One Monday afternoon in March 1992, Palacios didn’t respond when Herrod paged him “911,” their code to drop everything and call immediately. Herrod called Palacios’s wife. She couldn’t reach him either. That night, Palacios’s number popped up on Herrod’s phone, but the caller quickly hung up. Desperate, Herrod and a colleague asked a Mexican police commander to search for him. “He said, ‘Oh, yeah, we’re right on it,’ ” Herrod told me.

Late that Friday, just as Herrod was arriving home for the weekend, his phone rang. It was the resident agent in charge, his boss’s boss, telling him that Palacios had been found. “Great!,” Herrod exclaimed. “Where the fuck has that guy been?”

“You don’t understand,” the agent in charge told him.
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An AFO enforcer had caught Palacios in his van with binoculars, a laptop, and a bedpan. He was executed, his body tossed on a hillside in Rosarito Beach, a coastal town 10 miles south of the border. Herrod went to Mexico to identify the body; it was the first corpse he’d ever seen. Palacios’s lips were swollen. His chest and arms were purple from blunt trauma. His throat had been slit from beneath one earlobe to beneath the other.

Herrod vowed to bring Palacios’s killers to justice. But they weren’t the only ones he blamed. An American agent never would have been expected to operate with so little support, he told me.

“We abused him,” Herrod said, “telling him to stay on stuff for weeks on end. Imagine doing surveillance 24/7 for 10, 12, 14 straight days. He was going to die eventually. You can’t do what he was doing, against the people he was doing it against, for that long a time and survive.”

The U.S. government gave Palacios’s family $350,000. But Herrod couldn’t stop thinking about Eye in the Sky, and the contrast between his fate and that of John Salazar, the corrupt border agent Palacios had helped catch. Salazar was sentenced to 30 years, but had to serve only five because he provided information that helped law enforcement intercept marijuana shipments. According to Office of Personnel Management records, he was allowed to keep his government pension.


That Jack Robertson’s boss thought the Arellano brothers could be caught in six months shows just how little American law enforcement knew about the drug leviathan to the south.

For the first 20 years of the War on Drugs, started by President Nixon in 1971, Mexican traffickers were a footnote, little more than border smugglers for Pablo Escobar, the Colombian billionaire drug trafficker. But in 1989, in an attempt to kill a Colombian presidential candidate, Escobar orchestrated the suitcase bombing of a commercial airliner that happened to have two Americans on board. That put Escobar in the crosshairs of the U.S. military. Four years later, he was gunned down after a massive manhunt.

As Ioan Grillo observed in his 2011 book, El Narco, “Typical of drug enforcement, solving one problem had created another bigger one.” The U.S. Navy blocked smuggling routes to Florida, and trafficking spidered along the Mexican border. Into the post-Escobar vacuum strode a cadre of ambitious Mexican criminals, including Benjamín Arellano Félix. The second-oldest of seven brothers — he was 37 when Escobar blew up the plane — Benjamín became the first head of the AFO. By the early 1990s, the cartel was smuggling in 40 percent of the cocaine consumed in the United States.

Months before Joe Palacios was killed, Benjamín threw a first-birthday party for his daughter at his ranch outside Tijuana. A home video shows the cartel family in its prime: the brothers dressed in garishly patterned short-sleeved button-downs, their wives in pendulous earrings and large sunglasses. Beneath a sprawling white tent, guests sipped from brown bottles of beer and red cans of Coke. Alongside an inflatable bouncy castle was a veritable menagerie — not just miniature horses and llamas, but also zebras, reindeer, and ostriches.
Benjamín Arellano Félix threw a first-birthday party for his daughter at his ranch outside Tijuana. A home video captures the cartel family in its prime, plus a veritable menagerie, including miniature horses, llamas, reindeer and even zebras

Less obvious, but no less exotic, were the cars: the bulletproof blue Toyota 4Runner given to a top AFO enforcer, and next to it the bulletproof white Dodge Shadow that belonged to Eduardo Arellano Félix, the saturnine brother known as El Doctor because he had once been a practicing doctor. Ramón Arellano Félix’s armored Grand Marquis was something out of a video game, wired to deliver an electric shock to any stranger who touched it; in the event of a chase, a button inside would release a trail of oil.

Ramón, the fifth of the seven brothers, was building a reputation as the most ruthless killer in Mexico. Carne asada — “grilled beef” — was the term he used to describe the practice of throwing a body on a bonfire of car tires to incinerate it. Rumor had it that Ramón would sit calmly and barbecue his own dinner in the flames. He wore ruby-, sapphire-, and emerald-encrusted watches and a skeleton belt buckle with diamonds for eyes. He once shot a bouncer at a bar because the man had asked him to pour his beer from a bottle into a cup.

As brutal as the brothers were, their first line of defense was not their own men but Mexico’s law enforcement. Mexican officials’ corruption “wasn’t a matter of if, but when,” Herrod told me. The head of Mexico’s equivalent of an attorney general’s office received $500,000 a month from the cartel, a former AFO lieutenant told investigators. Certain military generals made $250,000 a month. Prosecutors were paid à la carte. The system was so effective that AFO prisoners would occasionally escape torture houses only to be returned to the cartel by the very police into whose arms they had fled.

So when Jack Robertson met Jose “Pepe” Patino Moreno, an incorruptible Mexican investigator, he quickly grew to admire the man. Robertson appreciated Patino’s humility, and respected his willingness to stand up to colleagues he knew were working for the other side. “He was one of the most decent men I ever met,” Robertson told me. “I always had a sense of trust in him that I didn’t have in anybody.” In that way, he was to Robertson what Palacios was to Herrod. In another way as well: Patino was captured by AFO members, who reportedly crushed his head in a pneumatic press and smashed his bones with baseball bats. His body, a Los Angeles Times article reported, was as broken as a bag of ice cubes.

Through the 1980s, Mexican drug traffickers had worked in relative harmony to move Escobar’s product. To impoverished Mexicans, narcos represented brave resistance to a corrupt government and imperious American law enforcement. Popular folk ballads known as narcocorridos lionized drug lords. There was enough turf and money and inventory to accommodate every criminal appetite, and the Arellano brothers and Chapo Guzmán not only tolerated each other; they worked together when it suited them.

That began to change in 1989, when Ramón murdered a man who had assaulted one of his sisters years earlier; the man happened to be one of Guzmán’s closest friends. Ramón also killed several of the man’s family members for good measure. Soon thereafter, the Arellanos declared all of Baja California their territory. “No one needed to be greedy,” Robertson told me. “But the Arellanos were like, ‘No, this is ours. Come here, and we’ll kill you.’ That did not sit well with Chapo.” Guzmán started digging the Sinaloa cartel’s first known drug-smuggling tunnel under AFO turf (a primitive one compared with the engineering marvel through which he escaped from prison last summer) and made plans to kill the brothers.

In November 1992, Ramón and Javier Arellano were at the Christine discotheque in Puerto Vallarta when 40 assassins posing as policemen burst in shooting. They’d been sent by El Chapo. One of Ramón’s bodyguards, a preternaturally poised man named David Barron Corona, shot and killed a gunman, then picked up the man’s AK-47 and held off the attackers while shoving Ramón and a top lieutenant into a bathroom. From there, he pushed them through a window and onto the roof — an arduous task, because Ramón was obese. The men clambered down a tree. On the ground, an assassin was waiting with a machine gun, but Barron killed him with his last bullet and all three escaped. Javier got away too, via a different route.

Barron hailed from a rugged neighborhood of San Diego called Logan Heights. He wore a downturned mustache and was built like a mailbox, his short arms hanging away from his body as if he’d just finished lifting weights. Skull tattoos decorated his torso, each said to represent a victim. He’d gone to prison at age 16, for killing a cross-dressing man who’d reprimanded him for urinating on a parked car.

After Barron’s performance at the discotheque, Benjamín Arellano recognized him as a fearless warrior. He bestowed upon Barron the code name “Charlie,” as in Charles Bronson, the actor famed for playing relentless vigilantes, and gave him a mission: Assemble a team of assassins who could vanquish Guzmán. Barron returned to Logan Heights to conscript about 30 enforcers from Mexican immigrant families. He offered $500 a week, plus kill bonuses. Taking out El Chapo would be rewarded with $1 million and a ranch.

Top AFO enforcer David Barron trained his assassins like soldiers. DEA agents found caches of weapons in an underground training facility.
Barron hired trainers — Mexican police officers and a Middle Eastern man whom recruits knew as “The Terrorist.” He equipped his men as though they were soldiers, with bulletproof vests, hand grenades, AK‑47s, and night-vision goggles. “He never asked his employees to do anything he wouldn’t do himself,” a former AFO lieutenant who worked closely with Barron told me. He ordered his men to keep their mustaches neatly trimmed and to dress in Dockers and polo shirts. This would be a refined gang of assassins. They would kill for drugs, but never use them. The AFO built detox holding cells where any enforcer caught using would be stashed for a month. The sentence for a second offense was 60 days. A third meant death.
 
In May 1993, Ramón summoned Barron and a dozen of his men to accompany him to Guadalajara to kill Chapo Guzmán. They searched the city but found no sign of Guzmán, and after a week they prepared to return to Tijuana. While Ramón passed through security for his flight home, five carloads of his soldiers, including Barron, sat in an airport parking lot. Suddenly, at about 3:30 p.m., an AFO lookout spotted Guzmán, right there at the airport. He and his bodyguards were getting out of a green Buick near the main entrance.

Barron grabbed a rifle. Guzmán’s bodyguards saw him. A firefight began. The AFO hit squad fired its AK‑47s indiscriminately. Bullets flew toward the terminal and struck a woman and her nephew while they were crossing the street. Barron and two other AFO shooters poured bullets into a white Grand Marquis — they knew Guzmán owned one — killing the driver and a passenger. Guzmán himself commandeered a taxi and sped away.
When the shooting ended, several AFO members tossed their guns in garbage cans and ran for Aeromexico Flight 110 to Tijuana. It was being held because of the commotion outside. Nonetheless, a group of anxious, sweaty men were allowed to board. Ramón was already in first class, spitting on the floor — a nervous tic. When the flight took off, seven people — five bystanders and two of Guzmán’s bodyguards — lay dead or dying in the parking lot.

In the passenger seat of the white Grand Marquis, a plump man dressed in black slumped to his side, a cross dangling from his chest. He had been hit 14 times. He was Cardinal Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo, the second-highest-ranking official in Mexico’s Roman Catholic Church. The brothers knew right away that the cartel had made an Escobar-size mistake. “The AFO instantly went from folk heroes to villains,” a former lieutenant in the cartel told me.
Cardinal Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo body slumped over with 14 bullet wounds
Guzmán fled to Guatemala, where he was arrested two weeks later. He was sent to the Puente Grande maximum-security prison in Mexico, where everyone from guards to cooks ended up on his payroll. He occupied himself with chess, basketball, sappy movies, and the bands he brought in to perform — not to mention enough women that he needed regular Viagra shipments. And, of course, he continued to run his business.

The Arellano brothers managed to avoid arrest by sending $10 million and two gang members willing to give false confessions to the director of the Mexican Federal Judicial Police, according to a former cartel member. In return, the police bought the brothers time by raiding houses that the cartel had already abandoned. 

Meanwhile, the AFO scattered. David Barron headed south, to Rosarito, Mexico, while his men went home to California. Benjamín Arellano also retreated deeper into Mexico. Eduardo stayed in Tijuana, but disappeared from sight. Ramón and Javier escaped to Los Angeles. They landed in tony, seaside Santa Monica, far from their hard-won turf.
 
The cardinal’s murder made the AFO case a U.S. priority. Jack Robertson helped create an AFO task force consisting of agents from the DEA and the FBI as well as Customs, Immigration, the IRS, the U.S. Marshals, and the Justice Department. The task force arrested some of Barron’s men as they fled Mexico and interrogated them. Slowly, it gained a keyhole view into the cartel. Then one day in 1995, a clean-cut young man with no criminal history walked through the door of the DEA office in San Diego and widened the keyhole into a porthole.

Beaten down by stress, the young man, an American whom agents dubbed “Joe Camel” for his prolific smoking, was ready to spill AFO secrets. Pickup trucks with false beds were being delivered to his father-in-law’s home in La Jolla, each loaded with a ton of cocaine. Trucks were parked in the garage, in front of the house, and around the block. He had, he confessed, been driving cocaine across America. The cartel used his father-in-law, a man in his 70s whom agents nicknamed “Grandpa,” to ferry drugs through border checkpoints, because he seemed harmless and was never searched. Grandpa explained how cartel smuggling worked and put names with faces and job descriptions. He also gave agents a piece of information that had eluded them: the identity of the Arellano brothers’ top lieutenant in Tijuana, Arturo “Kitty” Páez Martínez.

Agents were confused when they tried to check Grandpa’s criminal background, until he revealed that he had been living under an assumed identity provided by the U.S. government. Thirty-four years earlier, he had been caught participating in a heroin-smuggling ring — part of the events later fictionalized in the movie The French Connection. He then became an informant and entered witness protection, only to leave the program and return to drug trafficking. Now, for the second time, Grandpa would become a government source, allowing the DEA to mount surveillance equipment at his home. And again his crimes would pay off. He and his son-in-law were paid $100,000 for their cooperation.

The new prominence of the AFO case meant not merely increased manpower but millions of extra dollars for operations and paid informants. One AFO operative in California signed on as an informant just a day before cartel members riddled him with bullets. The man survived, and acquired the nickname “Swiss Cheese.” 

After the shooting, he started collecting workers’ compensation — criminal informants who are injured in the line of duty can qualify — in addition to his informant’s pay. He also received $1.5 million from the State Department for information that helped the DEA apprehend an AFO lieutenant.

Duncan keeps a file labelled “Unfinished Business” that contains testimony against AFO hitmen who were never punished.
Steve Duncan, a San Diego–based special agent in the California Department of Justice, says that after he and other agents made arrests, federal The brothers who ran the AFO: Benjamin, the cartel’s original leader; Eduardo, who had been a doctor; Ramón, known as the most ruthless killer in Mexico; and Javier, the family’s Michael Corleone (Associated Press; PGR)prosecutors would cut deals and let enforcers and traffickers go free in single-minded pursuit of the cartel’s top leaders. “The prosecutors never wanted to go sideways or down [the cartel hierarchy], just up,” Duncan told me. “So a lot of gang members who murdered people, they never got prosecuted. Some guys would give us what they wanted to give us and get off.”

 None of the agents liked watching criminals walk away free — and in some cases flush with cash. But they could live with that bargain if it meant the task force would eventually work its way to the top. Bringing the Arellano brothers to justice would make it all worthwhile.
The brothers who ran the AFO: Benjamin, the cartel’s original leader; Eduardo, who had been a doctor; Ramón, known as the most ruthless killer in Mexico; and Javier, the family’s Michael Corleone (Associated Press; PGR)

                                                 *******************************

After the killing of Cardinal Posadas, Ramón Arellano had to lie low. In his absence, the rank and file got sloppy. From California, Ramón sent David Barron to kill a man in Playas de Tijuana named Ronnie Svoboda, who had had the temerity to hang out with a woman Ramón was involved with. When Svoboda’s sisters, Ivonne and Luz, told the police, Ramón sent a crew to San Diego to kill them, too.

One of the hit men, who went by the name Martín Corona, watched the sisters get into their car. Ivonne was tall and lithe and exceptionally beautiful. She had spent the previous year in Paris as a model. Corona approached the driver-side window and saw her lock the door. His first bullet shattered the window. Three hit Ivonne in the head. One hit Luz, who was pregnant. As Ivonne tipped to her side, Luz’s 9-year-old daughter — who would see Corona again a month later when he and Barron arrived at her house to bludgeon her father to death — started screaming in the backseat. Corona ran, and both women survived. Sloppy.

One bungle followed another. The AFO somehow managed to procure a six-foot-long military-grade bomb for $150,000 in San Diego. In 1994, two low-level enforcers drove it to the El Camino Real Hotel, in Guadalajara, where they were supposed to use it to vaporize the building, and several of El Chapo’s associates along with it. But the bomb detonated prematurely, killing the AFO enforcers instead.

The next year, the cartel landed a commercial jet loaded with about 10 tons of cocaine on a makeshift airstrip in the desert near La Paz, Mexico. When the plane hit the sand, it sank in and got stuck. AFO workmen unloaded the coke into trucks, then tried to blow up the plane. That didn’t work, and a couple of men died. So they brought in construction equipment and tried to bury the plane in the sand instead. They managed to cover only part of it before drawing the attention of the Mexican military.
The AFO landed a commercial airliner with 10 tons of coke in the desert, but the plane hit the sand and got stuck. AFO operatives attempted to blow up the plane, and then to bury it. 
 All this time, Ramón was hiding out in L.A., growing his belly and his hair — now shoulder-length and dyed blond. One day in Hollywood, while hanging out in front of Mann’s Chinese Theater, wearing a Nike cap, sunglasses, and a Michael Jordan jersey, he was approached by Rupert Jee, a New York City deli owner and a regular on the Late Show With David Letterman, who was taping a man-on-the-street segment. “No entiendo,” Ramón said, as he tried to shoo Jee away. In the segment, Jee draws attention to Ramón by yelling, “Hey, everybody, it’s Michael Jordan! Look!” to the great delight of the studio audience. Slung over Ramón’s shoulder was a black satchel in which he typically concealed a gun.

In September 1997, Ramón was added to the FBI’s “Ten Most Wanted” list. He fled back to Mexico, and the Arellano brothers reassembled. They were still dominant in Tijuana, but the Sinaloa cartel was gaining strength. And they could no longer operate as openly as they once had. Their unhinged violence, in fact, began to backfire.

Two months after Ramón made the most-wanted list, he sent Barron to kill a Tijuana journalist named Jesús Blancornelas, who had dedicated his life to exposing the AFO and other cartels. Among the articles that had drawn the Arellanos’ ire, his magazine, Zeta, had published an open letter to Ramón written by a woman whose two sons “served you in a time of need” and had then, she maintained, been murdered. The letter fingered AFO figures by name.

Barron’s hit squad intercepted the journalist’s car en route to his office in Tijuana and unleashed a fusillade. Blancornelas’s bodyguard was killed, and Blancornelas himself was hit four times. As Barron approached for the coup de grâce, he suddenly dropped. A fellow assassin’s bullet had flown clear of the car, struck a metal post, and ricocheted through Barron’s eye, killing him instantly. Police found him on the sidewalk, a bright-red stream oozing from his eye socket, his body collapsed on his shotgun stock, which propped him up as if he had decided to take a nap mid-killing. Blancornelas survived.
Barron was about to finish off a journalist who’d spent his life exposing cartels when a stray bullet killed him. (Zeta)


Months later, an informant told the FBI and the DEA the location of Eduardo Arellano’s new house in Tijuana. A corrupt Mexican police chief tipped Eduardo off and he fled with his wife, Sonia, and their two children to a safe house that wasn’t quite ready to be lived in. Sonia had to use a propane tank for cooking.
One morning, Sonia came downstairs to make breakfast. The tank had been left open all night by accident, dribbling gas into the house. As soon as she struck a match, the house exploded. The baby in her arms went flying and was critically injured. Sonia’s patrician face melted into a welter of raw flesh and blisters.

Eduardo sent Sonia and the baby north for treatment, to the burn center at the University of California at San Diego. Eduardo himself didn’t risk crossing the border. He was right to stay behind: At the burn center, Sonia met Dr. Dave Harrison, who happened to be Dave Herrod in disguise, hoping to glean information about Eduardo through small talk with his wife. By now Herrod felt like he knew the Arellanos. It was surreal, after all this time, to actually talk with one of them.

Officially, only John Hansbrough, the head of the burn center, and two other senior hospital staff members knew that Herrod was posing as Dr. Harrison. But Herrod suspects the nurses noticed that his arrival coincided with that of the special guests from Tijuana — and that he knew shockingly little about burn physiology. He occasionally followed Hansbrough into surgery but mostly stayed out of the way, and he had to offer excuses every time he was called to cover a night shift. On Christmas Eve 1998, Herrod had the bizarre experience of wheeling Eduardo’s wife out of the hospital and watching her drive away with her parents and a lawyer.

The baby, Eduardo Jr., later died, and Sonia blamed her husband for the accident. According to witnesses, she wished death upon the children of his assistant, because he hadn’t gotten a stove ready. Eduardo’s brothers were incensed by her behavior and feared she might go to the police. In October 2000, Benjamín ordered Sonia killed. Javier gave instructions for the murder. Sonia was strangled with a tourniquet and her body was dissolved into pozole. Benjamín told Javier that, should Eduardo ever ask what happened to Sonia, he was to be told that she had fled to the U.S. But Eduardo never asked.

For a group that counted family as perhaps its lone object of loyalty, the murder of one brother’s wife was an act of supreme desperation. The Arellanos couldn’t bribe their way out of everything anymore — they could only kill their way out. When Sonia’s mother and sister began asking questions, Benjamín ordered them killed too. The women were pulled from their car at a busy intersection and never seen again.

                                            *****************************

On January 18, 2001, Mexico’s highest court handed down a decision that gave the DEA new leverage: Mexican citizens could now be extradited to the United States to face drug charges. Chapo Guzmán escaped from maximum-security prison the next day, reportedly wheeled out of the facility in a laundry cart.

Kitty Paez 1st Mx.Trafficker extradited to US
Kitty Páez, the AFO’s top lieutenant in Tijuana, had been arrested several years earlier and now had the honor of becoming the first Mexican drug trafficker extradited to the U.S. He was charged with engaging in a continuing criminal enterprise, which carried a mandatory life sentence for cartel leaders. Páez was the highest-ranking AFO member authorities had ever captured, one rung down from the brothers.

Herrod had by now taken over for Jack Robertson as the lead AFO case agent. He met with U.S. prosecutors when Páez was first arrested in Mexico and says they swore that if they ever got their hands on Páez, they would offer a plea deal only if he agreed to provide information about the brothers. Once extradition occurred, however, Herrod says all that tough talk melted away. He claims that, faced with a potentially long and difficult prosecution, senior officials in the U.S. Attorney’s Office began discussing a 30-year plea deal with no requirement to cooperate.

As far as Herrod was concerned, any deal that didn’t compel Páez to talk about the Arellano brothers would be a betrayal of the strategy that had driven the case. After all the small fry — the drivers and smugglers and enforcers — the task force had at last gotten someone who could confirm the brothers’ orders to kill and kidnap. Why wouldn’t prosecutors do everything they could to get information out of him?

Herrod told me that high-level officials from the DEA and the Justice Department met several times to discuss requiring Páez to cooperate or else face trial. He asked Laura Duffy, a federal prosecutor who spent a decade on the AFO case, to hold off on making a final decision until investigators and prosecutors could discuss the matter as a group one more time — but to no avail. Word came down that very same day: The U.S. Attorney’s Office had reached a plea agreement with Páez. He would serve 30 years and would not have to provide any information or even acknowledge his affiliation with the Arellanos. (Duffy told me that she was under no pressure to resolve the case quickly, and that she’d believed Páez would cooperate eventually.) Disgusted, Herrod and his fellow agents realized they would have to go after the brothers some other way.

In the summer of 2001, Herrod discovered that Ramón’s wife, Evangelina, was renting a house somewhere in the expensive Westwood neighborhood of Los Angeles. There was a brazenness about it that taunted him. Herrod felt a surge in his chest when he pulled up to a house that had a red Dodge Durango with Tijuana tags sitting outside. His team got a Durango skeleton key from Dodge, stole the car for a few hours while Evangelina was out, installed tracking devices, and then returned it to the same spot.

That fall, the agents learned that Ramón and Evangelina’s 12-year-old daughter, Paulina, was attending an elite private school known for educating the children of Hollywood celebrities. In a stroke of luck, a DEA employee happened to have a friend who worked at the school. Agents encouraged the friend to make small talk with Paulina, and learned that she would be ringing in 2002 at Lake Tahoe. The Arellanos always got together for holidays, and Herrod had heard that Ramón liked Tahoe. Of course he would travel from Tijuana to celebrate with his family.

The DEA rented cabins at Lake Tahoe, one just 50 feet from where the family would be staying, and sent tech specialists to set up cameras inside and outside the Arellanos’ rental. They finished and rushed out of the house moments before Evangelina arrived, sans Ramón. It was a few days before New Year’s, and a cadre of agents was on 24-hour surveillance. When Evangelina and Paulina went skiing, agents traced sinuous arcs down the mountain behind them.

By New Year’s Eve, there was still no sign of Ramón. But when the family emerged from the house that evening, Paulina was carrying a pillow and suitcase. She’s going to spend the night with her father, the agents thought. The family piled into the Durango — the one agents had equipped with trackers — and drove through the snow, a caravan of federal agents in their wake. On the hunch that the Arellanos would join the thousands of reve  lers at Caesars Tahoe, as they had in years past, agents were sent ahead to coordinate with security at the casino so that cameras could be used to track the family. Herrod recalls the adrenaline of the hunt. “It’s beyond belief how pumped we were. To follow a family in a crowd of 100,000 people is frickin’ nuts,” he told me. “It was the very best surveillance we’ve ever done.”
 
The family walked to an empty restaurant in the back of the casino, away from the celebration, and sat. Not eating, barely talking, just waiting. The agents waited too, for one of the world’s most wanted men to come and scoop up his daughter with her pillow and suitcase. A raid team stood by with keys that could open any room in the hotel.

 The family sat. And sat. The ball dropped in Times Square. Then midnight in Tahoe came and went. Agents who had been sitting bolt upright slumped in their seats. Around 1 a.m., Paulina, her grandparents, and her nanny got up and headed back to the cabin. Evangelina walked into the casino and picked up a phone. Agents watched on security cameras as she gesticulated in argument with someone on the other end. Ramón never showed.


The task force, however, was about to catch a massive break. On the morning of February 10, 2002, police in the vacation town of Mazatlán, Mexico, pulled over a white Volkswagen Beetle. Ramón was patrolling with two of his men, hoping to catch one of the Sinaloa cartel’s kingpins out in the open during Carnival. Ramón was carrying a high-ranking Mexican federal-law-enforcement credential that should have allowed him to talk his way out of any trouble with the police. But something went wrong.

A DEA informant later claimed that Ramón had been given false intelligence by a Sinaloa operative and lured to Mazatlán, where police friendly to Guzmán were waiting. But according to another informant, Ramón’s bodyguard simply misunderstood Ramón’s command to stay cool when they were pulled over. He got out of the car and started firing, and the traffic stop turned into a shoot-out. Ramón and a police officer ended up an arm’s length apart, guns drawn, shouting their law-enforcement credentials at each other.
Ramon is on the right
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itnesses reported that the officer yelled for Ramón to get on his knees, and that Ramón began to comply. The precise details of what followed are unclear. But it seems that in an attempt to take the officer by surprise, Ramón fired while bending down. The officer returned fire. One point-blank bullet to the heart from Ramón’s gun killed the officer, and one point-blank bullet to the head from the officer’s gun killed Ramón. 

The picture in the local paper the next day showed two bodies on the ground, close enough to touch each other. Ramón had shaved his head, and because he’d had his stomach stapled he looked at least 50 pounds lighter than when he’d appeared on Letterman. It took a week for the DEA and the FBI to confirm that the dead man was indeed Ramón.

Ramón had often promised to kill the entire families of anyone who cooperated with the authorities. But now he was gone. Kitty Páez’s lawyer contacted the U.S. Attorney’s Office. With Ramón out of the picture, Páez wanted to discuss cooperating in return for a reduction of his 30-year sentence. Soon, Herrod was spending eight to 10 hours a day talking with him. Páez was a veritable AFO search engine, ready with an answer to any question, from names of lieutenants to smuggling tricks to the structure of the cartel hierarchy.

Mexican authorities were emboldened as well. A month after Ramón’s death, the Mexican military arrested Benjamín Arellano, the 49-year-old cartel mastermind, in a house in Puebla, southeast of Mexico City. Javier — at 32, the youngest of the brothers — was left to lead the cartel.

As the AFO teetered, a new informant emerged: Chapo Guzmán’s attorney and confidante Humberto Loya Castro. He met with agents in restaurants and hotels in Mexico City and Tijuana. He wore elegant suits, carried Montblanc pens worth thousands, and wielded a politesse incongruous with the world of drug smuggling. Even more unusual, he came with the blessing of his boss. “I met with my compadre,” he might say, meaning Guzmán. “He sends his regards.” Herrod told me there were obvious downsides to working with Loya. But El Chapo’s attorney offered precious information. His tips, for example, led to the capture of the AFO’s “chef,” the man who had developed the recipe for pozole. He also saved the lives of several Mexican officials by alerting the DEA that they were going to be murdered.

Loya was a fugitive, so agents needed special permission to speak with him. He claimed he was cooperating in the hope of having U.S. charges dismissed — he had been indicted in San Diego, along with Guzmán, back in 1995, for drug trafficking. But he continued to cooperate after the charges were dropped. By passing tips to DEA agents, he was able to undermine the AFO and therefore help his boss. As an agent who declined to be identified put it: “We dismantled a rival cartel because of information that [Guzmán, through Loya] was able to provide. It definitely helped Sinaloa stay in power.” At one point, agents heard through intermediaries that Guzmán himself was interested in becoming an informant, but top DEA officials wouldn’t grant the same special permission that had been extended for his attorney.

Meanwhile, the DEA had set up a hotline and put up posters at border crossings promising up to $5 million per brother for information that led to their arrests. Most of the tips were nonsense. But late on Christmas Eve in 2003, a call came from a man claiming to be part of the security detail for the AFO. Agents dubbed him “Boom Boom.” He wanted out of the cartel, and was willing to give up AFO radio frequencies. The DEA started listening, nearly around the clock. For the first time, they could overhear a drug cartel operating in real time. It took a while to get used to the coded language. A reference to an “X-35 with shorts, pantalones, and frijoles” meant an armored car with handguns, rifles, and bullets. The office of Zeta, the investigative magazine, was “X-24.” Cocaine was “varnish.” Mexican federal police officers were “Yolandas.” Over two years, the DEA recorded the AFO planning 1,500 kidnappings and killings, including those of at least a dozen Mexican police and government officials. Agents had to listen — in real time — to people being tortured; they were often helpless to do anything about it. “Cover his mouth,” one man said in Spanish, chortling, after a long scream. “Cover his mouth! Cover his mouth!”

Among the half million AFO radio transmissions that the DEA recorded was one that led them to intercept a phone conversation about the purchase of a 43-foot yacht. This was the information that gave rise to Operation Shadow Game and the 2006 capture of Javier Arellano on the high seas, as the Dock Holiday chased marlin into international waters. Once in port in San Diego, Javier was loaded into a bulletproof Suburban and driven five minutes through closed streets, under the gaze of government snipers, to a federal detention center. His arrest was the cartel’s death knell. Soon after, AFO lieutenants began defecting to rival cartels or splitting into their own factions.

In 2008, one of Eduardo’s confidantes gave him up — he was the last brother who was alive and free and had any experience leading the cartel. He was captured in his home in Tijuana. The eldest brother, Francisco, who’d helped get the cartel started but had been in prison during most of his brothers’ reign, was the last to meet his fate. He was at his 64th-birthday party in Cabo San Lucas in 2013 when a man dressed as a clown walked in, shot him dead, and walked out.

Two decades after Jack Robertson opened the case against them, every one of the Arellano brothers who had helped run the cartel was either dead or behind bars. Benjamín and Eduardo were extradited to the United States. It was a crowning achievement for the DEA, complete with promotions, political appointments, and chest-puffing press releases.







Mireles’ Message From Prison: Yes It Was Worth It

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Translated by Valor for Borderland Beat

(Message dated October 14, 2015; Received on December 2, 2015, Hermosillo, Sonora)

“On the other hand, one of the people who sent me a letter strongly questioned me whether our struggle was worth it, because some of us are imprisoned while others are being assassinated along with their entire families.  This is why I want to send a short message.

The national front of autodefensas was made official on May 5, 2014 and on May 28, 2014, it became known worldwide with 12 states of the republic, in the Polyforum Cultural Siqueiros.

By 6pm that day, there had already been 19 states that had registered.  A day before my arrest, a 20thstate registered.  YES IT WAS WORTH IT.

To all of the autodefensas of Michoacán and of the Mexican Republic, I tell them to continue to organize, to take care of their life, their house, their towns, and their productivity, if we fight; we won’t die when the criminals want us to die.

If we fight, we will only die when God wills it.  I tell you this from experience.  After seven ambushes, and a plane crash, I kept fighting organized crime in Michoacán and my worthwhile witnesses have been the reporters of Denise Maerker.  As well as those from the newspaper El Paísand the Washington Post and others who were with us in some of our battles.

This is why I tell you to organize and to take care of your communities, by neighborhood and by the entrances and exits of the towns.

While to the brave legitimate autodefensas of Michoacán I ask them—without neglecting a minute of their lives, of their families, their property, and their productivity— to stay in the background without letting your guard down, while the new government installs the rule of law, with the constitutional respect that you deserve, such as the Chamber of Deputies or the true representatives of the people.

For all these reasons I say that YES OUR STRUGGLE WAS WORTH IT, since our towns, thanks to our brave autodefensas, now with their Rural Police uniforms or some without uniforms, continue to patrol and take care of our towns and communities, procuring peace and dignity that they need for a happy and productive life.  YES IT WAS WORTH IT.


Even though I’m imprisoned and 400 comrades are too, YES IT WAS WORTH IT because in Tepalcatepec, they gave us 24 hours to live and after those 24 hours, “not even the chickens” would be alive.

This threat was made on February 24, 2013, THE SICARIOS OF THE REGION and all of our autodefensa advice have survived to date, October 14, 2015.  YES IT WAS WORTH IT, even though I’m imprisoned and others are in a cementary, IT WAS WORTH IT.  That’s all.



Fraternally

'Constitution and Justice'

Dr. Manuel Mireles

National Front of Autodefensas

P.S.:  I repeat my greetings and respects to all the HH:. and to the people who sent me messages of support.”

Nestora Salgado: “Gordillo Was the Owner of Tepepan Prison”

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Translated by Valor for Borderland Beat

Elba Esther Gordillo “threatened me, saying that she would do everything to keep me in here,” the former commander of the Community Police of Olinalá, Guerrero, Nestora Salgado said during an interview with Aristegui CNN from the Tepepan Prison.

“We lived together, we shared the same hall, there was a conflict.  But obviously she’s a woman with a lot of power.  The fact that the state gave her too much power, the government gives her too much power, the lady has done and undone this place.  She was the owner of this place, I’m telling you this, she was the owner of this place (until she left to a private hospital).  Perhaps I shouldn’t talk much about the lady because then I would get into a worse conflict.  The only thing I can say is that they have given her too many powers, the government, which puts in and removes who it wants, I don’t think it should be like this.”

“She threatened me, (saying) that she would do everything to keep me from ever leaving this place, because I made a sexual harassment complain of a commander of this place who was the protégé of her and she got very mad, because she relied heavily on that person, he was a commander who allowed her to do anything and obviously very protected by her.  In fact he’s leaving from this place, but no punished, he’s going to another place as a chief.  They remove him from this place because (of the denouncement) of sexual harassment and they put him in another center as chief, so to me it’s that instead of punishing him, it was a prize.  His name is Jaime Sánchez Martínez.”


She says that the episode with Gordillo so far has not influenced the process, but “I know that it will influence” because who she denounced was a favorite commander of Elba, he was “her prince,” that’s what the teacher called him.


“I knew that this was going to be very hard if I put this denouncement, but I couldn’t remain silent, (because) I am a person who defends human rights, that is against injustice and that injustice was being done to me.  I couldn’t keep quiet just because I knew the power that the lady had,” she explained.

And she explained how the threat of Gordillo was: “She came into my room to tell me that she would be the one to get me out of the hospital, that the state would remove me from the hospital, because she couldn’t live with a kidnapper, but the woman is wrong, because I’m tried for kidnapping, but I will prove that that’s not true.”  “Yes I’m afraid (because of the threat), because I know that the state does what she says,” she denounced.

For more information on Nestora Salgado visit Free Nestora

Lawyer: Michoacán Government Obliges Cemeí to Change Lawyer In Exchange For Release

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public defender (left), Cemeí Verdía (right)


Translated by Valor for Borderland Beat

Morelia, Michoacán— Ignacio Mendoza Jiménez, who was the lawyer of Cemeí Verdía Cepeda, leader of the Community Police of Santa María de Ostula, in Aquila, said in a telephone interview that the Michoacán government obliged Verdía to change his layer in exchange for his release.

In that regard, “Nacho” Mendoza said verbatim: “the state government obliged Cemeí to give up his defense under the promise that they will release him, the government secretary, Adrían López Solís, was the one who operated this matter."
 
Adrían López Solís
In an 11 minute video, you can precisely see Cemeí Verdía with Mendoza and in front of two more lawyers, who as told by Mendoza, are public defenders, one by the name of Efraín and the other one with the surname of Quintana.

In the recording, it shows that those present dispute the fact that Cemeí is being obliged to appoint lawyers and Verdía on several occasions says that all he wants is to get out “of this mess,” referring to the jail where he is imprisoned, which is the David Franco Rodríguez Prison, also known as “Mil Cumbres,” located in the municipality of Charo.

Mendoza Jiménez is asked about the subject which he responds: “it is pathetic that they keep on politicizing justice and obliging people to do things that they do not want because the government is the one deciding, on the other hand very content because it goes to show what we have said from day one: that the issue of Cemeí Verdía, like others, is a political issue, it had nothing to do with justice.”


The lawyer was also questioned as to why the state government didn’t want him to be defending Cemeí and if he is considered to be an obstacle, he replied: “I don’t know, ask them (the government), I’m a citizen, I work, I pay taxes, I don’t know how they view me and I don’t care.”  The video shows that Verdía Cepeda signs some documents, in which he would be agreeing to be represented by the public defender.

Pablo Acosta " El Zoro de Ojinaga " Part 1

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Written for Borderland Beat by Otis B Fly-Wheel, images from Drug Lord by Terrence Poppa
[ Subject Matter: Pablo Acosta Villarreal
Recommendation: No prior subject matter knowledge required]

Pablo Acosta, was one of the top narcotic trafficking Godfathers of  Mexico until his demise, he was also the friend, business partner, and mentor of  Amado Carrillo Fuentes "El Senor de los Cielos" or "the Lord of the Skies". He moved incalculable tonnes of  Marijuana and Heroin which constituted the majority of his illegal trade, in his heyday he was moving 60 tonnes of  Cocaine a year for the Colombian Cartels with a street value today of  $3 billion US a year, along a 200 mile stretch of border that he controlled round the big bend national park area. He died during a confrontation with Government Forces in 1987.



Reporter: Otis B Fly-Wheel

The Ojinaga Plaza

The current plaza system utilized by the major cartels in Mexico today, developed from and owe their roots to the Ojinaga Plaza. The first " Plaza Boss" of Ojinaga was Manuel Carrasco "La Vibora", this was before the term had been used for the first time. The one time campesino and drug mule, made a few extra bucks delivering small quantities of heroin for his wife's uncle.

His wife's uncle was Domingo Aranda, an independent drug trafficker who sold to the Chicago Mafia. Aranda was a small time trafficker compared to the generations after, that put flesh on the bones of, the brainchild of the corrupt Mexican Government that is the Plaza system, the modern day Drug Capo took "ownership" of the Ojinaga Plaza.

Carrasco had his sights set on bigger things than Domingo Aranda. He realised that after establishing USA contacts of his own, that if he locked down the interstate routes, he could move a lot of weight and put his own Boss and relative Aranda out of business.




Carrasco's dreams of running things were soon dealt four aces, as he shot and burned to death Domingo Aranda on the shores of the "Big River" close to Ojinaga, Chihuahua. Carrasco was a cold hearted bastard, and stood and watched his wife's uncle burn to death while drinking beers.

As far as burials go Arandas was not like the modern day gaudy affairs, his killers simply kicked sand over his body which barely covered it and just sauntered away.

Carrasco's sense of self preservation was lacking a certain something, after taking power from Aranda, he murdered someone who had come to collect a debt, and was family of Pedro Aviles. Carrasco, thought if he killed the collector he could wipe the debt by saying he had paid the collector, and that he had no idea where he was or what had happened to him subsequently.

Carrasco, while in Doctors surgery being treated for a gunshot wound sustained in a gunfight, managed to get into a major gun battle in the doctors surgery with security forces, and took this opportunity to shoot the debt collector, who had attended the hospital with Carrasco.

Pedro Aviles  put a "green light" on him and the entire Municipal Police Force in Ojinaga. Word got out that two plane loads of sicarios from Pedro Aviles Guadalajara cartel were heading to Ojinaga to kill Carrasco and wipe out the Municipal Police Force.

The entire Municipal Police Force, with their families fled north of the border to escape the Sicarios, while Carrasco, deciding that discretion was the better part of valor, also fled rather than face retribution that was shortly arriving.

The Government wanted their plaza money and so made immediate demands for the usual amount from Carrascos second in command, Martin "El Shorty" Lopez. This had the effect of promoting him to Plaza Boss.

Lopez a native of Corpus Christi, Texas, had grown up in Odessa. Previous owners of the Ojinaga Plaza were locals. Lopez was a different kind of character to Carrasco and Aranda. Whether by dint of nature, or by design, he could be  compared in some respects to Jesus Malverde from Mexico, the narco traffickers patron saint, or England's Robin Hood.

He operated in the San Carlos region, and genuinely helped many of the people in the area. He gave gifts, but not Ferrari's and luxuries, but tractors, irrigation pumps, fertilizers, as well as help paying peoples bills.

But like many traffickers both old and new, they had no intention of dwelling for second to think of the pain and hopelessness, crime and violence that their Mexican black tar heroin brought to American cities. The traffickers saw this trade as supply and demand, simple economic theory, black and white with no shades of gray.

At this time, Pablo Acosta was languishing in Jail in the United States, serving an eight stretch in Leavenworth for heroin possession. Acosta made important connections in the Texas prison that would prove extremely fortuitous later on in Pablo's career.



It was towards the end of the 60's when Mexico's corrupt PRI government dreamt up the plaza system, to grease their palms with cash, and the lackeys below them who wanted to get their snouts in the trough too.

They thrashed out the details, and in truth the system today is a much more watered down variant of the original. The "owner" of the Plaza, or top capo in his area, such as Guadalajara and Culiacan, would make a monthly payment of $100,000.00 to the designated collector, usually a Police Chief or High ranking Military commander.

They in turn would arrange for a transfer of the funds, under armed guard, to their superiors minus a small commission. Most people suspect that at the top of this chain of corruption and deceit, killings and impunity rests the President of Mexico himself.

Those above the "owner" of the plaza were able to render services in the form of military and police escorts for drugs to the border area, arresting or disappearing competitors. But, like goodfellas, you have to come up with the cash every month, " your house burnt down? fuck you pay me", and it better be on time.

The only way to find out if you are able to cope with this kind of pressure, i.e. lack of performance = torture and death, is to sink or swim. Pablo Acosta thrived in the pressure cooker environment of drug trafficking, he pioneered the operations of the plaza system, he started thinking in terms of international scale logistics, fostering links with politicians, and like previous relatively successful drug traffickers like "Lola La Chata", he knew who to bribe and exactly how much was required, and his successful business model was soon taken up by traffickers on both side of the border.

Word soon spread of how Pablo was "taking care of business", and ears were pricking up in the top echelons of the Guadalajara Cartel, where Pedro Aviles ruled. Pablo started making a lot of men rich, and that was when his problems started in their infancy...

The Acosta family

Pablo came from a large family that were migrant farm workers for many generations, scratching out a living from the Chihuahua and Sonoran deserts bordering the United States. Each year the large and extended family would send the men out into the fields taking those children who were old enough for the manual labor.

The younger children stayed at home with the women, including Pablo's mother Dolores. The Acosta men went to Texas and New Mexico, with Pablo learning from his father Cornelio, on farms around Fort Stockton, Odessa and Lovington.

Pablo had been on the migrant work trail with his father for 9 years by 1958, and had begun to get in trouble. He was a genuinely likable character by all accounts, but after a drink was quite happy to fight anyone at the drop of hat.

Pablo arrested for fighting while drunk smirking at the camera


The Acosta family, had a blood feud with another Mexican farming family named Baiza, like most blood feuds the reprisal killings had been going on for generations. And so it happened that in October of 1958 when Pablo was in a bar called Sandy's Lounge having a drink with his father, someone came into the bar, and told Cornelio, that there was someone waiting to talk to him outside.

Cornelio went outside the bar. Pablo heard a gunshot from inside the bar, and rushed outside to find his father laying face up in the gravel with a bullet hole in his forehead. A car screeched away and Pablo raced after it, but could only get close enough to read the number plate.

Pablo went to the Fort Stockton Police, and they traced the vehicle to a certain Pablo Baiza. He was arrested and brought to trial where the details of the two families long running feud were made public before the Court.

Pablo Baiza's Lawyer argued that, it was expected of Pablo Baiza to carry on and avenge his family in the feud. They Lawyer explained that the feud had taken a turn for the worse when one of Pablo's relatives killed a Baiza, then hung him up in an abandoned adobe house, and locked two hungry dogs in there.

Pablo Baiza was found guilty of murder with Malice Aforethought, and the court handed down a sentence of 5 years probation! As he had served 3 months in prison since waiting to come to trial, he was released from Court, which obviously did nothing to quash the family feud.

Pablo Baiza was killed a short time later in a different Fort Stockton bar.

Escalation

Pablo's violent behavior when drunk took a turn for the worse in 1964, as there was little to do for Latinos in Fort Stockton, as Latinos were not welcome at most establishments at the time. There were a couple of Latino bars, which Pablo used to frequent.

As usual after a few beers, Pablo's aggression got the better of him, an argument over a girl led Pablo to offer the guy a fight outside the town limits. When Pablo got into his car the other guy fired at him, the bullet or bullet fragments wounding him in the cheek.

He raised his .22 rifle and opened fire, wounding one of the men. The local press had a field day after the exchange of gunfire.

Pablo had a reduction in the charges against him to illegal use of a firearm and was given a ninety day sentence.

Not long after Pablo was busted on his first drug mule trip with heroin taped to his arms, he was handed an eight stretch form the Pecos Federal District Court.

He made important contacts in both the Latino and Caucasian prison inmate communities, he already had contacts south of the border with his black tar heroin supply from Manuel Carrasco. With his new contact north of the border he had everything he needed to setup a drug trafficking network that would rival any in Mexico.

He left prison 3 years early for good behavior in 1973, and 3 years after he had a run in with two USA anti-narcotics agent in a drug deal gone bad and had to flee south of the border to Ojinaga.

1976

Pablo's return to Mexico was to a time of uncertainty in the Ojinaga Plaza. Despite the fact that Manuel Carrasco had fled, Pablo saw this as an opportunity. He love the excitement of smuggling drugs, and at the time, the excitement it gave this farm worker was his main motivating factor and not the money as at the time he wasn't moving any serious weight.

Martin El Shorty Lopez had inherited the Ojinaga Plaza, and as he and Pablo were buddies from Leavenworth prison, they met in Ojinaga like old friends. Lopez set Pablo to work straight away.

Lopez at this time was earning a lot of money, he had all the trappings of a Narco, big ranch with an airstrip, vehicles, storage facility for drugs, he could afford to buy anything he wanted pretty much.

Lopez decided that, unlike Carrasco, he would go with a hearts and mind campaign, the more of the local population he looked after, the more eyes he had between himself in Santa Elena and Ojinaga the better.

Lopez would go shopping in Ojinaga and buy huge amounts of groceries and other sundries, and on the way back from Ojinaga would stop at Adobe houses dropping of food to the hard done by. The San Carlos area of around 2000 inhabitants were all beneficiaries of Lopez's altruism.

This though was a two way street, as the inhabitants farmed, fruit, vegetables, livestock, they went to the USA as export goods accompanied by drugs in the trucks. Lopez found it easy, some days he would stand on the Mexican side of the river at big bend, and various buyers would come to the USA side and ask " are you a messkin?", and Lopez would sell them as much marijuana and heroin as they wanted.

Lopez was enjoying life and his patronage of the surrounding areas, but Manuel Carrascao who had been hiding out in Chihuahua City, seethed at the success of Shorty Lopez which he believed was rightfully his.

He put word out that Martin Lopez time was up, and that he was going to take care permanently of the usurper Ojinaga Plaza Boss, and reclaim what he saw as rightfully his

Shorty Lopez used to drive to Ojinaga and back from his ranch high up the Sierra Ponce of the Santa Elena  with a bodyguard and sometimes alone.



Shorty used to deliver his plaza fee to the Police Chief at Chihuahua City, on this particular day he happened to run into Manuel Carrasco. After an exchange of pleasantries, which were mostly death threats to each other, they parted ways.

Shorty Lopez's men told him he should have talked to Manuel and worked things out, but Lopez like Carrasco before was feeling the power of being "untouchable" as Plaza Boss.

Carrasco made the arrangement and set up an ambush for Lopez, he knew the return route Lopez would take over the rough mountain roads of the Sierra Ponce with its Limestone cliffs.

Carrasco's hit men were waiting for Lopez over a rise in the road, meaning Lopez wouldn't see the ambush until it was too late. However, Carrasco had not figured in that everyone in the area were beneficiaries of Lopez's altruism, and were his un-official halcones.

Lopez was warned about the ambush, but Lopez being what he was, decided he would take on his ambushers. There was only him and his driver/bodyguard.

They were approaching the ambush point, when Lopez got out of the pickup with his AR15 rifle and some spare mags, and climbed onto the rear bed of the vehicle. His driver had his pistols ready, cocked, with the safeties off ready to go.

As his vehicle came over the rise, one of the ambushers stepped out in police uniform and said " Stop! Judicial", he saw that Lopez was not in the vehicle. Lopez then jumped up and fired a burst at the Sicario, who fell.

Lopez then opened up on other men who were crashing out of the mesquite brush, and downed several of them, then all hell opened up and Lopez's pickup was hit by gunfire from three sides. Lopez's driver jumped out of the pickup and was immediately hit and fell, Shorty Lopez ran back up the track firing back at the ambushers.

One of the Sicarios took aim with his .45 and shot Lopez in the back, dropping him like a stone.

The Sicarios then drove a heavy vehicle over his body again and again before finally driving over his head to put his out of his misery. A Sicario then chopped at his skull with such force that he severed his head from the hair line.

Pieces of the Shorty skull were then distributed to all sicarios and they were made to wear them around their necks on chains, as a lesson to all what the price of perfidy was.

Carrasco could not take back the Plaza with a Guadalajara Cartel green light on him.

The Candidates

After the death of Lopez, who funeral had been attended by a lot of people, locals, in whose eyes, the charity Lopez showed absolved him of most of his crimes, came to pay their respects.

With Carrasco out of the picture and shorty dead, that left only three people from the area who had the necessary prior involvement and nous to become the plaza boss.

Pablo Acosta, Victor Sierra and Rogelio Gonzalez. All three of them knew that if they took the Jefe position, the piso for the plaza would have to be paid. Pablo did not volunteer, as he knew what it would entail. Eventually  Victor Sierra was the dubious winner of the title.

He took it upon himself to deliver the piso to the Police commander in Chihuahua as had Carrasco and Lopez before him, the Police chief was more than a little surprised that Sierra had appeared from nowhere.

He got his guys to torture Sierra for three days straight to see if he had the "huevos" to resist torture and therefore not give up the Police commander if he was captured.

Sierra passed the test and was given control of the plaza. Though by dint of his torture which included cattle prods to the testicles,  for 6 months after Sierra could not "stand to attention" for his many girlfriends.

Victor remained in charge of the Ojinaga Plaza for three years, nobody really knows when Pablo took over the plaza from Victor Sierra, and it was done by osmosis rather than a coup d'etat. Pablo went on behind the scene fostering connections to important people in the Mexican judiciary so when the time came he would be ready to take over.

He did not have to go through the same ordeal with the Chihuahua Police Commissioner as did Victor Sierra. Everyone found out for sure, that Pablo was in charge in 1981 when an agent of the US Clayton McKinney travelled to Mexico to meet a gringo pilot that had done some favours for the Mexican intelligence agencies.

During the interview the agent heard men outside the office arguing, and one said to the other " but Pablo said to let him go", and a few minutes later an officer came in and said to McKinney that the interview would have to stop, and McKinney was asked to leave.

Pablo had started paying the Plaza piso to people in Mexico City, when the Federal Police launched a new headquarters in Ojinaga, Pablo then paid his piso to the local commander and he passed it up the chain of corrupted officials.

Pablo was smarter and quicker witted than those before him, later it turned out that, when the new Federal Police force was made in Ojinaga, Pablo had handpicked the officer  recruits from his own men.

One of Pablo's most important contacts was Ismael Espudo Venegas. Though not Mexican, he was from the USA originally, he had a high post in the Internal Police of the Public Ministry. He furnished Pablo and his Lieutenants with official identification cards from the Public Ministry, Federal, and Municipal Police, which gave them carte blanche to operate with impunity.



He also arranged with the local forces for busts to happen, but these were busts of his own product. He was growing Sensemilla which grew large flower heads, the rest of the plant was not used. So come harvest time, Pablo's men would harvest the flower tops, then invite the Federal Police to bust the now useless plant stems and leaves. Which gave good press for the local Federal Police every year. Even today if you watch some of the videos of army chopping down marijuana plants they "discovered", you can plainly see they have no flower heads on and so have already been harvested.

Friend or Foe?

Fermin Arevalo was an independent with links to opium, heroin and marijuana traffickers in Sinaloa. His two sons were also involved in his business and ran it for him when he spent time in prison. His son Lili taking the prominent role.

When Pablo took over the Ojinaga Plaza, Fermin was taking being passed over for the Plaza very badly indeed. They were friends previously, their families mixing at events with their children playing together. Indeed they had served time together in Chihuahua State Penitentiary, and Fermin had lent money to Pablo to pay for a Lawyer to get him out of prison.

At this time Pablo was still relatively unknown outside of Ojinaga, moving small weight just enough to keep himself and his family fed and watered. Fermin was moving more weight and often gave drugs to Pablo on credit, and vice versa. They had an understanding.

This understanding broke down fairly quickly after Pablo had a load busted and suspected Fermin's son Lili of giving up the load to the USA authorities. Pablo had needed to get three Cessna loads of marijuana to Texas in a single night. Rogelio Gonzalez was to be the pilot, and he was to land on a small tarmacked road at night. He would be met by a ground crew that included Pablo's brother.

Pablo watched Rogelio take off into the night with the first load, when he didn't return presently Pablo began to worry. As Rogelio had landed, he was met by two crews, Pablo's and one from the DEA. The DEA had been waiting close to the landing site after receiving information about the incoming load.

Rogelio, who normally stayed in the plane as the drugs were unloaded, had actually got out this time. As the DEA agents pounced and shouted warnings, Rogelio pressed himself against the fuselage of his plane and backed away.... straight into his own propeller, which according to the DEA agents split him in half from the top of the head to mid abdomen. One of Pablo's crew was shot dead, and 6 were arrested including Pablo's brother Juan.

Pablo found out what had happened, he had lost a plane, his pilot dead, his brother and one third of a load of marijuana, 5 of his men, vehicles used by the ground crew. Pablo felt the loss keenly.

Pablo found out there was an outstanding debt owed to Rogelio Gonzalez, and that it was Lili Arevalo that owed it. The debt had been given over as security in the form of a souped up pickup. Which Lili had retrieved from Rogelio's property before Pablo had even found out about the incident with Rogelio, from his sources both sides of the border. While this in itself was not evidence enough to act, Pablo knew things were turning sour in his relationship with the Arevalo's.

Some time later, Pablo arranged a deal through Lili Arevalo with a cousin of Pablo's in Texas. The load was delivered, Pablo's cousin had delivered the money to Lili personally. Lili claimed he had never been paid for the drugs and so didn't owe Pablo anything.

Pablo then kidnapped his own cousin and brought him to Ojinaga. His cousins sons also went of their own volition as they had been there when the money was delivered. Pablo sent them in a vehicle with two of his men to see if the could identify the man to whom they gave the money.

Lili was instantly identified they moment they set eyes on him. What happened next would have profound consequences for everyone, and led to what the DEA called the "Arevalo Wars".

Pablo's men sped around the block and dropped off the two sons of Pablo's cousin. Then they returned to the bar where Lili and his brother were buying ice creams. Pablo's men opened fire, hitting Lili multiple times, Lupe his brother was hit in the liver and fell into the gutter. Pablo's man Marco stepped out and shot Lili in the head with his .45.

An acquaintance of Fermin notified him about the shooting of his sons, he asked Fermin who did it. Fermin knew who had done it, and with a steely resolve swore to avenge the death of his son.

A reckoning at El Salto

Hector, Pablo's younger brother, talked to Pablo about the situation with the Arevela's. If the feud didn't stop a lot more people would die and get hurt. Pablo could either try and talk it out or shoot it out. Pablo chose the former.

He went out with four men and staked out the Arevela ranch known as "El Salto". They watched the property for two days baking in the sun during the day. When Pablo was sure that Fermin was at the ranch he drove down to the ranch house.

Fermin's wife answered the door to Pablo alone, no sight of Fermin though Pablo knew he was inside. Fermin's wife could hardly contain her anger, and Pablo genuinely wanted to come to a deal with the Arevalo's.

Pablo offered his .45 pistol with the safety off and a round chambered, to Fermin's wife and asked her to shoot him if it would put an end to the feud. Pablo's men looked on nervously as he passed her the gun. She no doubt wanted to shoot him, but probably thought better of the reprisals that his men would take out on her and her family inside the house.

Fermin's maid came to the door and whispered to Fermin's wife, she now seemed to be stalling Pablo, and he rightfully thought that Fermin was somewhere close, setting up an ambush. Fermin's wife remonstrated with Pablo for killing her son Lili who she claimed was just a boy. After an hour, Pablo left the widow with a parting shot "tell Fermin if he doesnt want to end this feud, we are gonna screw him over real good".

Pablo had his men in two vehicles, there were two routes out of the ranch and Pablo took the one he thought Fermin would not choose to ambush him on. He sent his other men down the other route.

Pablo's vehicle had reached the cattle grid on the road, when he noticed a truck heading towards him, driven by one of the ranch managers on El Salto. Pablo thought Fermin may be in the vehicle and that they should stop it, when Fermin launched his ambush. He had been waiting in a ditch by the side of the cattle grid, with a ranch hand opposite him in a ditch on the other side.

Both Fermin and ranch hand opened up with automatic weapons, in the back of the vehicle shards of glass flew into the faces of Pablo and his brother Pedro, they both ducked when bullets grazed the head of Pablo and slammed into the bullet proof jacket worn by Pedro.

Fermin fired until his assault rifle was empty, big mistake, this gave Pedro the instant he needed to engage with his own weapon. In a scene reminiscent of the bank shootout in "Heat", Pedro fired from inside the pickup through the windscreen, the first burst hit Fermin, the second burst hit the ranch hand and the third burst he fired at the truck that had stopped on the other side of the cattle grid.

The ranch manager jumped out of the truck and aimed to fire at Pablo's pickup, one of Pedro's bullets hit him in the head and killed him instantly. Pablo climbed out of the riddled pickup, blood streaming down his face, with his men, they looked for a third attacker in the trees but only found his weapon, Zacarias, one of Pablo's men in the truck had had a relative, a Police chief, killed by Fermin and was about to exact his revenge. He drew his knife ripped Fermin open from the lower abdomen to the sternum, the bone in the centre of the ribs that protects the heart.

Another one of Pablo's men finished Fermin off with another burst of gunfire.

Later, several different versions of how Fermin died were heard but were embellishments. One was that, Fermins wedding veg, had been cut off and then offered to his wife. Another was that after Fermin had been ripped open, and disemboweled, his body cavity had been filled with rocks, and then dragged behind a vehicle until it was pretty much unrecognizable as a human being.

None of the embellishments were true, but they made good rumours and consolidated the fear that people had of Pablo. Fermins autopsy, confirmed the cut to his body, and 21 bullet wounds. Those being the only injuries.

Pablo and his men returned immediately to the El Salto ranch. Once there for the second time he kidnapped Fermin's wife and maid. He drove back to Ojinaga, stopping to show the widow Fermins body.

Not long after the rest of the Arevalos either moved to Presidio or Houston. Fermins wife stayed in Ojinaga, and she made a criminal complaint against Pablo. Pablo had to pay 20 milion pesos to get the arrest warrants for him and his brother overturned.

Part 2 Pablo Acosta "El Zoro de Ojinaga coming soon.

Monterrey: 300 kilos of cocaine seized, likely belonging to Cartel del Norte (Zetas)

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Lucio R. Borderland Beat material from Reporte Indigo


The Coming Storm: After the seizure of more than 300 kilos of cocaine last weekend, clouds of violence loom ahead. Authorities do not rule out, that this blow to the cartel will provoke retaliation


Last weekend in a joint operation, elements of BOM, seized  330 kilograms of cocaine in a warehouse located in the Colonia New Morelos, Monterrey.

The blow to the cartel who lost the drug cache, could open the door to a new phase of violence in the city.

Each of the 279 packages seized drug is traded on the black market for apx $20,000, (dollars)  so it is estimated that the cargo would be worth  $ 5.5 million.

The million dollar loss for the cartel could cause a storm of retaliation. So the authorities do not rule out "uprisings" and executions of members of the same organization or rivals who leaked information of the drug location  to the authorities.
A federal source revealed that those who could pay for the loss of the cargo, would be those responsible for caring for the drug, the spies (Halcones) assigned to monitor the area.

"Maybe not immediately,  but people will turn up dead,  this is a huge hit which was lost," said an informant. "Someone will have to pay".

In the seizure, held through a joint operation between the Department of Defense personnel, PGR, the Criminal Investigation Agency (CIA) and the Attorney General of the State of Nuevo Leon, also seized at the warehouse,  rifles, handguns ; over 600 cartridges of various calibers; 23 magazines and four vehicles.

The state prosecutor, Roberto Flores, said at a press conference that among the weapons was a grenade launcher.

Meanwhile, a source of “high military rank”, revealed that because of  the area where the drug was seized it could be linked to the Cartel del Norte (Los Zetas).

"What is known is that Los Zetas no longer identify as such, now they call themselves  Cártel del Norte, and operate throughout northern Monterrey," the military informant.

Last weekend’s seizure is the second greatest in Nuevo Leon  history.  The largest seizure of cocaine in N.L. was on April 2, 1999, when federal agents confiscated 1,072 kilos in Galeana.

Fresnillo: Man Found Dead After Interrogation Video

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Translated by Valor for Borderland Beat

For the umpteenth time at Cameliasstreet and a few hours after the attorney general was in the city, armed gunmen shot a man over five times who had been kidnapped, tortured, and later brought to the area to be executed.

Around 21:00 hours, warnings were given about gunshots at the streets Camelias and Tres de Mayo in the well known neighborhood of Obrera a few meters away from the Santa Cruz Cemetery.

People who were in the street at the time saw how three individuals abandoned the body quickly, and then heard five to seven shots from a firearm, but didn’t see anything after.

It was civilians who were traveling in their vehicles who saw the body of the person lying on the sidewalk when they passed by the area.  Immediately, the residents of that street closed their doors and windows, and turned off their lights to avoid being questioned about something that they didn’t see.

Immediately afterwards, a chase was reported in Poblados de Plateros and later, the preventative police said that they received a 066 call (911 call) in which suspicious activity was reported on a dark colored truck in the community of Rancho Grande, near the cemetery.

Forces from the Directorate of Public Security and other corporations were sent in to revise the area, but so far there have been no reports regarding the incident.

According to AccesoZac’s Facebook page, it is due to a war between the Cartel del Noroeste (CDN) and the Gulf Cartel (CDG).






MERRY CHRISTMAS FROM DD

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Posted by DD.
And to all a Happy New Year


I have a friend named Mitch.  Mitch is another Gringo living here in the small city where I live here in Mexico.  He is originally from Minnesota, is single, and for lack of a better word, he is the wrangler and manager of the stables and rodeo arena owned by the city.  He breaks and trains horses, as well as taking care of them by feeding and water.  I have always considered Mitch a "good man" during the several years now  that I have known him.  

Knowing that he had no wife or family here, I invited to our house for Christmas dinner.  He told me he really appreciated it, but the way he celebrated Christmas was saddling  up his horse and ridding the streets in the poorer areas of town and passing out candy to the kids who would be out in the streets playing with their new toys.  i told him that was really neat and I would like to be a small part of it and buy the candy (he doesn't make a lot of money at the stables).  So we went to Waldo's and bought enough packaged candies to fill a good sized Santa bag.  I also got him a Santa Claus hat, but he didn't know if he would wear it or put it on the horse.


Mitch told me he did this every year.  When a mutual friend of ours asked him why he did it, Mitch told him;  "For me doing this epitomizes the spirit of Christmas.  Giving to others, especially the poor and more especially to poor kids.  When I see their little faces light up when I pass out the candy, that's what it is all about."

My estimation of Mitch as a "good man" went up several notches on my scale.  

As we celebrate this joyous time of the year, hopefully doing something for others, lets not forget in our prayers Dr. Mireles, Nastora, Cemel Verdia, and the hundreds of others that are unjustly incarcerated.    

Merry Christmas 

Judge Exonerates and Orders the Release of Cemeí Verdía

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By Carlos Arrieta | Translated by Valor for Borderland Beat

Due to a lack of evidence, the Third Criminal Court, located in Morelia, issued a release order to Cemeí Verdía Zepeda, former leader of the autodefensas in the Sierra-Costa area of Michoacán.  Verdía had been detained since July 19, 2015, while he ate breakfast in a stand in the community of La Placita, located in the municipality of Aquila.

The leader of the Community Police of Santa María de Ostula was accused by the Attonrey General of the State of Michoacán of homicide, in which he was freed today Thursday, December 24, 2015.

According to the decision, there was insufficient evidence to determine that Verdía had participated in the homicide of Argel Mejía Valdovinos, who was shot during a shootout with the Community Police, after the ambush against Verdía in May of this year.

“At the time of the commission of the facts, in proceedings, the probable criminal could not be credited of homicide.  Consequently, Cemeí Verdía Zepeda is decreed released under reserve required by law,” the court clerk read.

Héctor Zepeda, commander of the Fuerza Rural in Coahuayana, said that “it’s a big truth that we are all waiting for Cemeí; he has never ceased to be the leader, and never ceased to be the commander of the Community Police of the coast and it’s good that now they are going to do justice, that is what we will applaud our government, that those who are found guilty fall but those who are innocent will always remain free.”


According to state officials, Verdía will be released today from the Social Rehabilitation Center David Franco Rodríguez, also known as “Mil Cumbres”, where he has been imprisoned since July 29, 2015.


Cemeí was accused of murder and has fought three additional legal proceedings: one for federal crimes and two for aggravated robbery and triple homicide of which he has been acquitted.

The indigenous leader was detained in the morning of July 19, 2015 while he was eating breakfast with his bodyguards in a food stand in the community of La Placita, located in the municipality of Aquila and later transported to a federal prison.

Cemeí Verdía was noted for the illegal bearing of weapons for the exclusive use of the Mexican Army, a crime which was not proven,  10 days later, he was acquitted; however, while in prison, they filled out another order for ordinary crimes, which was similarly litigated in the courts and in the trial 358/2015-III.

Tijuana: Encojibado left for Aquiles

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Encobijado left for Aquiles

As the year ends in Tijuana, a marker of sorts is left strewn amongst weeds and trash of the bloodshed over the past months.  Bound and wrapped like a grotesque mummy, the cold body sat in the darkness, wind whistling through in the bitter cold of late December in Tijuana, a card lay next to the body.  The card explains, or attempts to explain the fate of his unwilling companion, slowly decomposing, frostbite forming between the toes, all warmth leaving the body, as life had.

This may be the last of the year, or may not, a year that as seen over 500 murders, many collateral damage, victims in a war they understand, only from their lower tier positions.  The explanations are often closed circle types of communication, cryptic messages of a reckless sarcasm, mocking the dead, and welcoming death themselves.  

The message left in the green wrapped blanket in Playas De Tijuana, Rancho La Flores was 'Heres your people Akiles and Alejo, we will continue to fuck you up putos', or words to that effect.  The violence will continue to play out in neighborhoods and back streets, bullets tear into flesh, and knifes sear away limbs, dripping with blood of the contras....

For the sake of some clarity, to not leave anyone out of this....Alejo refers to Raul Miranda Ortiz, an Aquiles ally and Sinaloa proxy, who has ordered numerous murders in the last year, including the mother of 'El Jackal', relative of Luis Manuel Toscano, an inter family organization who ran the Zona Norte drug trade for years.  Alejo directed Los Cuates De Oberas, a group of murders who moved crystal meth under the Aquiles banner. 

The last line of the card left with the corpse is an echoing laughter jajaja echoing and ringing in all our ears, at all the funerals, and all the encojibados, everywhere, like death itself, waiting in the shadows, bony, blood stained outstretched hand, clutching a bottle of Bucchans 18 scotch, wrapped in black cloak....never far from Tijuana.....

Sources: AFN Tijuana 

PGR seize a ranch from 'El Chapo's' brother

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The federal forces incursion in the area came after a shootout between people of 'El Guano' and a group from Chihuahua.

The Attorney General's Office said they sized a ranch owned by Aureliano Guzman Loera, El Guano, brother of the leader of the Sinaloa cartel, Joaquin El Chapo Guzman, near the community of Los Alisitos, a municipality of Badiraguato, after a shootout that killed eight men linked to the group led by Aureliano.

The Navy reported that they arrived at that community, after a clash between members of El Guano cell and other group from Chihuahua that left a toll of eight men dead.


It was said that opposing groups are fighting the territory of La Sierra de Badiraguato which has been controlled for decades by El Chapo Guzman, and that after his arrest and subsequent escape was under the control of El Guano.

These are the facts, which the government of Sinaloa, the Attorney General of the state and the municipal government of Badiraguato, have consistently refused to admit, occurred this last December 12.

After the slaughter of the eight people, relatives of the victims gathered the corpses, bought coffins through a distributor which supplies local funeral houses and buried them in their communities without informing the authorities.

In addition, the Navy also reported ambushes in the neighboring villages of the municipality, but the balance of bodies is unknown. At least two bodies were taken to the community Surutato.

The prosecution did not make any official reports of the deaths, even when the town confirmed that at least one of the bodies was more than eight hours awaiting the arrival of the MP, which never came.

Two days after the slaughter near Los Alisitos, near San Jose del Barranco and La Tuna village, the birthplace of El Chapo, the Navy personnel arrived to carry out an operation.

In comundidad of Surutato, Badiraguato, the Navy has set up checkpoints where vehicles and people entering and leaving are stop and checked; however, there have been no raids on the houses of this village, Veronica Rochin,of Surutato confirmed.

An official said that the Navy has been supplying their helicopters to patrols this town and then take flight to other areas further up in the mountain, and said she was unaware of the extent of the actual operation

Rochín specified that the target was not El Guano, but said that is the same operation that keeps the Semar on place trying to locate El Chapo Guzman in the Golden Triangle area, where, it is said, that he has not left since he was located in August around the Tamazula, Durango area.

Finding no trace of the eight men dead the marines went to Aureliano Guzman ranch, who on this last October they arrested one of his son's in Culiacan, staff and federal prosecutors proceeded to take him to jail.

A few days ago, Luis Alberto Muro Valdez, brother of Cristóbal Muro Valdez, died in the Aguaruto prison, Cristobal was head of security for El Guano and one of the eight who died last Saturday.

This article was translated from Milenio

A family feud in the Badiraguato Sierra

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Last April Ernesto Guzman Hidalgo was assassinated in the mountains of Badiraguato, he was, the half brother of Joaquin Guzman Loera, the word or rumor is that, Aureliano Guzman Loera, El Guano, give the order to kill Ernesto.

It was speculated, that the settle of score, was because Don Ernesto was not reliable to run the structure of Guzman Loera. He was the father of Patricia Guzman Nunez, the wife of Alfredo Beltran Leyva, El Mochomo. Archenemies Guzman and the Beltran Leyva, hence the mistrust.

He died with his companion, Raul Astorga, near Bacacoragua, the land where Don Carlos Beltran Araujo was born, father of the Beltran Leyva brothers.


Eight months later, in the same area, eight men were killed, all at the service of El Guano and one of them, Cristóbal Muro Valdez, his chief of bodyguards. "It was the opposing groups, the enemy" it was said in Culiacan. But there is no "Enemy here". The area is one hundred percent controlled by the Guzman Loera group. So it is very likely that it is a family conflict. El Chapo Guzman and Don Ernesto were raised together and there was between them an endearing affection.

It is a complicated and murky history that should be clarify by the authorities, but what authority? The prosecutor's office did not report anything about the murder of Don Ernesto Guzmán and Raúl Astorga. He didn't do anything and give no public explanation. No perpetrators were presented, or at less suspects and, if anything, was done was done quietly and with fear, the forensic inquiries were kept to a minimum .

Just over a month ago, seven people were killed in the same area of ​​Badiraguato. First they killed three and at the funeral, four others were killed. That incident was not even recognized by the authorities, so it wasn't entered in the criminal statistics that the attorney general writes on every day.

About the murder of the eight men killed on Saturday, Ríodoce received preliminary information that was then confirm. But as in other cases, the attorney general was just silent. General Moisés Melo García, a state coordinator of security, was asked about it and said he had no knowledge of the facts, he also said that he had called the Security Secretary of Badiraguato and that he had denied that there was anything going on. Genaro García, State Secretary of Public Security, said nothing either. Absolute silence. The main reason most be that the surnames terrified the authorities. And family feuds are usually devastating.

But the names of the dead and their ages are at the funeral houses, and we see the people mourning in the towns. So the silence of the state government is even pathetic, cynical, as if people will just swallow their lies. They died in Badiraguato and were from Badiraguato. So the idea is. "Let them fix their own problems" it seems a conviction. This is no man's land. They are not from Australia and the notes hardly appear on the news, not like those two young surfers who came to leave the skin in this hell, triggering global outrage and placing Sinaloa as a war zone in the world.

This article was translated from Rio Doce

Wishing the Borderland Beat family a day filled with joy...............

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Thank you to all the  BB readers for your kind expressions of concern.  I am down but not out, and improving each day.... Love you all, even the Millies and Willies. 


BIG thanks to my friend DD for holding down the fort.....Paz, Chivis



Each year I am given hundreds of "original art" Christmas cards made for me by the foundation children I work with.   What is striking to me, is the messages that are written on almost every card.  The same theme; no more bad guys, no more narcos, Zetas (or whatever cartel dominates their area) no more death of innocents, kidnappings, etc.  A perspective  by children who live in places of violence.


They wish for peace, they wish for children that are sick to receive health, children who are "poor" to receive a gift. They look  beyond themselves, although they themselves are poor, I work only with impoverished, marginalized and/or disabled children.  


Not one card in 11 years has ever wished for a toy, or gift for themselves.


No lessons needed for these children, they have mastered the meaning of Christmas



Sinaloa: Mexican Navy helicopter shot down

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Lucio R. Borderland Beat material from Reforma and RioDoce

While conducting patrols, Troops of the Ministry of the Navy of Mexico (Semar) who traveled by land and air were attacked by a group of armed men in the state of Sinaloa.

During the operation, in which they claimed four tons and a half of marijuana in bags and packaged ready for transport, the feds called in air support which resulted in a Navy helicopter (Marina/Semar) coming under attack and shot down.

The elements fired back in self-defense during the events and two assailants were killed, reported Semar.

The federal agency said the incident occurred yesterday near the ranchería Saco de Agua, Sinaloa. 

"The naval elements develop their operations in compliance with procedures established by the ‘Use of Force, Common Application to the Three Forces’,  and strict respect for human rights" said Semar.

During these actions "in the vicinity of the settlement" Six rifles, magazines and ammunition for the exclusive use of the Armed Forces " were found and seized.


Also, "about 4.5 tons of marijuana packed in bags and ready for transport", which was "destroyed on site by incineration".

3 decapitated bodies discovered in Piedras Negras

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Lucio R. Borderland Beat Material from BB archives and El Rancherita

On Christmas eve, in Piedras Negras, the border city of Coahuila, three decapitated bodies appeared, with their heads discovered in various public places of the city.

According to Mayor Fernando Puron, this is another sign that the “monster is lurking”, and “organized crime is not gone from the city”.  Piedras shares a border with Eagle Pass Texas.

There are indications that the three victims were not involved with organized crime and may be innocents killed as props to generate fear and panic among the residents, who have become less fearful in the past year, the mayor agrees that this was the motive for the killings.  Using innocents as props is a practice used by cartels to send a message. It is also possible the killings were retaliation for working with police, while there is no proof to support that,  it is possible since the message could be read that way.  It is unusual however, to send a message of a specific threat without signing the message.

The consensus is however, that the killings were a scare tactic to create terror at a time the population has become relaxed and confident in security. It is not unusual that a Coahuila narco message warms against trusting or relying on GATES.



Victims are identified as; Cristian Alfred Ramos Moreno, 17 years old, resident of Colonia San Joaquin, Eliseo Ruiz Santos de 33, resident of colonia Doctores, Claudia Hernández Cárdenas  37, of  colonia Valle del Norte. The body of Eliseo had tattoos, one reading “Mexican” and another “Made in Mexico”.

The headless bodies were thrown on the grounds of Víctor M. Rueda sports park in colonia la Malvinas, the heads were found in the grounds of  Plaza de las Culturas,  and the baseball fields “Campos de Beisbol” of the macro plaza,  as well as the HEB shopping parking center.

A cartulina message was left with the victims, which roughly translates to:

“Continue believing in GATES, and this will happen to all that support them.  Think about things, before believing in them”


GATES, is the controversial Coahuila state  police group, created by former governor Humberto Moreira.  Rumors in Coahuila surfaced shortly after the group was created that instead of combating organized crime, they were protecting interests of Zetas and Moreira.  Moreira has long been chased by reports of being in collusion with Zetas and corruption.  He was forced to resign as federal chief of the PRI party.  His brother Ruben “Pelon” Moreira became governor after Humberto.

GATES has been accused by citizens of extrajudicial killings, kidnappings, extortions and citizens have forwarded proof to back up claims.  Ruben Moreira, the current governor of Coahuila, created an additional tactical group, Policia Estatal Acreditable, or simply “Aceditables”.  The group seemed to be successful for toning down violence in key cities along the border, but also has been accused of abuses against citizens, and side stepping laws and constitutional rights of people, including innocents.




4 bodies discovered on Michoacán Highway one is El Tísico founder of LFM

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Lucio R. Borderland Beat from Diario.Mx 

Morelia— The bodies of four males killed by gunshots were discovered in a parking lot on Autopista Siglo 21 (hwy), in the municipio Gabriel Zamora, Michoacán.

The Attorney General of the State (PGJE) reported that the bodies were lying near the tollbooth of Santa Casilda, at kilometer 232 + 750.  "The bodies are male and have wounds produced by firearm projectiles, "explained the PGJE in a statement. 

According to the first investigations, bullet wounds on the victims were caused elsewhere, since no caps were found at the site.  The discovery occurred around 1:15 am.

The Siglo21 hwy, runs about 300 kilometers from the  Patzcuaro port of Lazaro Cardenas, and goes through the regions of Uruapan and Tierra Caliente. 


The PGJE said that personnel of the Crime Scene Special Unit  was sent to the scene to carry out further investigations.  "the deceased were not identified and were not carrying any documents"added the attorney.


Update:  Thank you Daily Reader.


According to 90 degreesone of the dead is Carlos Rosales on of the founders of LFM (La Familia Michoacana)

What they are reporting:

At 22:30 Sunday, leaders of organized crime in the regions of the Michoacan coast and Tierra Caliente, met at a party in the ranch ““Las Cortinas”, in the town of Uspero.  

In attendance were: Carlos Rosales Mendoza “El Tísico”, Alberto Espinoza Barrón “La Fresa”, Gilberto Gómez Magaña “El Chanda”, Ignacio Rentería “El Cenizo”,among others.

At one point, the meeting was interrupted by special agents of the Federal Police, and a confrontation ensued not only of the police but among the organized crime members,  that lasted over two hours and spread to several villages in the region.

It was around 01:15 hours on Monday, in the vicinity of the house of Santa Casilda, at kilometer 132 + 750 of the highway Uruapan - Cuatro Caminos, in the Siglo XXI highway , the four bodies were found each been shot to death.

Immediately elements of federal forces moved to the site of the body dump. The investigation expert staff of Gabriel Zamora, who after arrival confirmed that these were the bodies of Carlos Rosales Mendoza “El Tísico”, Alberto Espinoza Barrón “La Fresa, and two others known by the monikers “Perro Pinto” y “El Chiguan”.

Supposedly the body of Rosales was missing half his face.

From Quadratin

Carlos Rosales Mendoza, El Tísico, was killed during a series of clashes in the Tierra Caliente region of Gabriel Zamora, Michoacán. 

The shootout also killed three others, whose bodies were dumped in the Santa Casilda gateway, located on the 21st Century Freeway. 

Carlos Rosales, who also was known by the nickname El Carlitos, was imprisoned for ten years, until he was released  in May 2014.

He was captured in October 2003 in Morelia, during a military operation, and charged with drug crimes and organized crime. 

According to the Attorney General's Office, he was one of the founders of the cartel known as La Familia Michoacana, which succeeded the criminal group known as La Compañía and subsequently split and became Caballeros Templarios.

Rosales was the boss over other leaders Nazario Moreno González, El Chayo; Jesús Mendez, El Chango,  and Servando Gomez, La Tuta; the first was killed, the other two are in prison.

CJNG Downed Helicopter: Federal Agent survivor defies odds

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Lucio R. Borderland Beat using material from BB-Reforma-Noticias Terra

The federal operation took place in the wee hours of May 1st- the goal was to capture Nemesio Oseguera, "El Mencho", supreme leader of CJNG.

The plan was a familiar one, one used to catch capos in the past.   Federal Forces moved guided by intelligence information to the area where the leader of the Cartel Jalisco New Generation (CJNG) was located.

The operating tried for a repeat of success, by implementing a surprise deployment I the hour between 3 and 4 AM.  Ideally when El Mencho would least suspect an attack and is most vulnerable.

Helicopter aerial surveillance was the key to the arrest. This happened, for example, with the arrest of Miguel Trevino, alias "Z40", arrested in July 2013 on a road south of Nuevo Laredo.

But this time the plan failed.


click on any image to enlarge

The Helicopter  was carrying paratroopers

The Mexican Air Force helicopter was gunned down at Casimiro Castillo-Villa Purificación Highway.

The helicopter was carrying parachutists that would rappel down to support an operation on the ground, which was deployed to intercept a convoy protecting the CJNG capo. [Who was supposed to  in the municipality of Tonaya]

The first three riflemen descended down, while the aircraft held position to accommodate their decline.  The three touched ground when they were met with gunfire.

The low position of the helicopter was perfect for El Mencho’s loyalists to initiate their assault. 

Their first target was the pilot, who was killed by shooting.  Then came the first RPG impact and it was that impact that brought down the helicopter. 

Some soldiers jumped. Several were caught in trees. Others were burned.

Refoma sources said that El Mencho was aware of the pending operation by the feds and  had convoys out searching for them. 

And in the mayhem, “El Mencho” premier leader of Cartel Jalisco New Generation, escaped.

It was, the fifth time that the head of CNJG eluded security forces.

After the Mexican numbers game being played for months, finally official tally is, aside from the crew, 8 federal elements perished.  Agent Ivan Morales survived the fiery take down, although he was given little to no  chance of survival.


Survivor burned over 70% of his body

The doctors saw no chance of survival. The CJNG (cartel Jalisco New Generation) attack  left federal agent Ivan Morales with burns over 70 percent of the body.

Defying all odds and expectations, Morales survived.  

He says he owes his survival to an image he never lost sight of.  The vision to see the birth of his child.  His girlfriend was pregnant at the time of the crash, news he had only learned a few hours before the operation, via telephone.

Saying it was the greatest news ever given him, he was to become a father for the first time.

That same day, the agent was assigned to an operation in Jalisco to capture "El Mencho" where the agent came face to face with death. The Sedena helicopter he was traveling in was shot down by the criminal group. 

He was transferred to The Central Military Hospital where he clung to life, after doctors said there was little that could be done.

He insisted he would survive.  He told officials who visited him and the doctors who attended him. "I will be a father", never tiring of saying those words, staying focused on the vision.

After dozens of surgeries, the agent was finally discharged. 

He married his girlfriend in the hospital.  He was anxious and ready to go home to his wife and son. His high spirit always remained intact, he insisted on wearing his uniform as he left the hospital.

On 22 December, President Enrique awarded agent Morales a commendation medal, in recognition of the heroism and service he gave for his country. A choice he did not have to make.  He is a college graduate, with a Bachelor’s degree in administration and hotel management, he had significant career choices. 

He chose to enlist and serve his country. 

The eight agents killed in action were given posthumous awards at the same ceremony.  Mothers and wives accepted the honor.

Pablo Acosta "El Zorro de Ojinaga" Part 2

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Written for Borderland Beat by Otis B Fly-Wheel, with images from Drug Lord by Terrence Poppa and Google

[ Subject Matter: Pablo Acosta Villarreal
Recommendation: Read Part 1 of this articlehere]

Altruistic benefactor or skill-full manipulator?


Pablo with a local blind woman, he paid for the operation to restore her sight

The Arevalo wars ended up costing the lives of nearly 30 people from both sides. With them out of the frame, Pablo had two roads ahead of him. Would he rule with a rod of iron now that he had total control of the plaza, or would he go down the shorty Lopez route and become, what was considered as customary, a benefactor godfather.

Pablo had been investigated by the major USA law enforcement agencies that deal with drugs, racketeering, and murder. The DEA classified him as " a vicious, extremely dangerous person, who has little regard for human life". Also that when he "gets bored he goes out and shoots someone, slices them open then drags them from the back of pickups". Not exactly what you might class as charitable behavior.

Pablo's upbringing as a campesino, meant he never forgot that life, or its hardships. He genuinely felt for the poor people of his region. I would suggest that Pablo had quite a strong sense of right and wrong, of fair and unfair, and had an understanding of cause and effect. In my book that rules him out as a psychopath, so if Pablo wasn't enjoying killing people a la "El Ondeado" and "El Z-40" or "Rosalio Rhetta", then he was doing it for a reason. But he still had a taint of " a side-winding, horn swogling, cricker-crocker" about him.





Pablo's early history with his propensity for violence when drunk, and when coked out of his head, speaks volumes that only with in the input of drugs including alcohol and their mind altering affect, did violence become acceptable to him. He had to use those to block out the feeling he had that what he was doing was wrong. So I don't buy the DEA " he kills someone because he is bored", scenario. As a person free from influence, I doubt he would kill anyone.

It seems that Pablo had chosen neither of the two roads, and would forge his own route, cross country running parallel to the two established ways of doing things, borrowing what was most effective from the two philosophies and merging them into one. This ability was partly due to his upbringing as a capesino, where any problem had to be dealt with there and then, and so ingenuity, and the ability to solve problems on the fly, and the ability to think on a tangent became a valuable asset.

As Pablo was now the godfather of the Ojinaga Plaza, it was assumed that, anything that happened was with his blessing. Because who would dare do anything and risk the wrath of the "Padrino". So any drug bust in Texas must have been his drugs, any murder drug related on either side of the Texas border must have been at his say so.

The following passage was written by the DEA in a confidential report on the Acosta organization
[" This report focuses on the PAO, believed to be responsible for most of the narcotics flowing into Texas from the Ojinaga, Chihuahua area. The Acosta organization accomplished its smuggling operations mostly by land, and sometimes by aircraft.

Acosta's heroin is noted for its high purity, known to be as high as ninety three percent, which is known as black tar due to its appearance. His marijuana has improved, with most of the recent seizures traced to the organization being high quality tops.

This organization is also responsible for approximately seventy percent of the 4x4 and pickup thefts reported in the Texas panhandle, West Texas and eastern New Mexico areas. Thefts usually involve new and used Ford Broncos, GMC Jimmies, Chevrolet Suburban's, Blazers. These vehicles are driven directly to Mexico and exchanged for drugs.

The PAO is also reported as a major receiver of stolen weapons traded for drugs. There are over 500 known members and associates of the PAO with factions in Amarillo, Dallas, Fort Worth, Hereford, Lubbock, Big Spring, Odessa, Midland, Kermit, Pecos, Monahaus, Fort Stockton, Presidio, El Paso and Big Bend, Texas: and Hobbs, Portales, Artesia and Roswell, New Mexico. Associates in other Texas and New Mexico cities, as well as in Kansas, Oklahoma, Missouri, Nevada, Idaho, North Carolina and Michigan, have also been identified.

He pays high level protection to the local Mexican Government and spends close to $100,000.00 per month for this protection.

Acosta's organization is very fluid and many of the members know only the person with whom they deal directly. Because of this, Acosta is well insulated. Being a blood relation or having a long time family or business connection is the exclusive qualification for membership. The organization is extremely difficult to penetrate because of this criterion for membership".]

It seemed that violence was breaking out both sides of the border in the west Texas area, an escalation in the drug violence, when a plaza changes hands is common to many of us today. Just before the death of Fermin Arevalo at the hands of Pablo and his men, two men in Presidio had blasted each other to death in a pickup, leaving a third man between them slightly injured with grazing bullet wounds to his chest, and no doubt in need of a clean change of underwear.

Other deaths followed in Redford, and USA border patrol men were injured by gunfire from across the river,

Pablo realized that he needed to start building bridges and engaging in propaganda, as one way to counter the offensive against him from drug and intelligence agencies north of the border. He would soon meet someone to help him with that....Mimi Webb Miller.

The Sheriff of Presidio County

Rick Thompson was the Sheriff of Presidio County, the sudden uptick in violence was directly  affecting him and he decided that Pablo was probably responsible for most of it. He set up a meeting with Pablo in Mexico as he had heard that Pablo was a reasonable man.

Rick Thompson sent Clayton McKinney who you may remember from a previous chapter in part 1 of this article, had had dealing before with Pablo at the Chihuahua Police headquarters in Chihuahua.

Thompson recalls asking only one thing of Pablo, that any killings or violence was kept out of his county, as he already had a large tally of dead people with apparently no motive for the killings.

In 1983 Pablo met Mckinney on a hilltop outside of Ojinaga. In a typical mafioso display of power Pablo had a bodyguard of eighteen men around the hill. Pablo wanted to set the record straight about the killings on the USA side of the border.

He tried to convince the agent that the rash of killings had nothing to do with him, and that he would comply with requests for information from the USA agencies when that info was not forthcoming from Mexican Authorities

The attacks on USA agency men on the border stopped, Pablo had spread the word that anyone found to have fired at them would be taken care of in the usual Pablo manner. He also briefed his drug mules on the new process if they were busted with a load, that they were to flee and under no circumstances were to shoot at the USA police or other agencies.

Various theories have been expounded for the motives Pablo might have for doing these kind of deals, but at the end of the day, Pablo realized that he at some point, given what happened to Manuel Carrasco, might need to flee to the USA and he wanted contacts in the USA agencies that might be able to help him if he did have to flee and was subject to arrest.

Sammy Garcia

Sammy Garcia had been working on and off with Pablo for some while, first as a mate on roofing jobs, then later running and buying marijuana. Sammy had been put off by the start of the Arevalo wars and had told Pablo that he would work for him but wanted nothing to do with the feud in any way, shape or form, or anything that involved killing anyone.

By 1982, Sammy was moving three or four loads a week for Pablo. Sammy was reliable, did not take risks, and was a lateral thinker like Pablo.

Traditionally the Ojinaga smugglers like the Arevalo's and Manuel Carrasco did not bother to hide their loads very well, Bales of marijuana were put in the back of pickups and covered with a tarpaulin.

Texas law enforcement had stepped up their operation and were taking the threat of the incoming amounts of drugs seriously. Putting people permanently at the Presidio crossing, and because of the increased activity, the Pablo Acosta Organization think tank switched into over-drive.

It had become popular to convert pickups to run on propane. The Saudi oil embargo had raised the price of gasoline. Propane gave better miles per gallon, was in plentiful supply and included the addition of a propane tank mounted to vehicles behind the cab bulkhead in the rear bed.
The Ojinaga think tank came up with the idea to hide the pot inside these propane tanks.

This was the first time, that a Cartel was using this method of smuggling, and it became standard fare for many of the frontiers active smugglers. With the increased usage of this method it was only a matter of time before the authorities cottoned on to the situation. After a few busts, the PAO think tank had to modify their plan.

They started experimenting with the propane tanks, and Sammy came up with a new twist. He cut a hole in the bottom of the tank similar to everyone, but instead of leaving it open after the pot had been put inside the tank, he took the original part cut out of the tank and sealed it with car body sealant, ground it down so there was no seam, painted it and ground dirt into the paint.

After he had finished, the tank looked like it had spent years weathering in the back of the truck. This was very successful until a customs agent pressed the pressure release valve on the tank, and got a whiff of Sensemilia instead of propane. Agents were briefed to touch the regulating valve from the tank, if propane had been expanding through it, there would be evaporation, and cooling as a by product so the valve should be cold.

So Sammy went back to the draw board, made a separate section within the tank under in the outlets, which he charged with propane, but left the majority of the tank available for marijuana. The first time it was used, customs agents were crawling all over the vehicle, prodding banging and releasing gas from he valves, in an effort to get probable cause to search the vehicle more stringently. As Sammy said " they went over that tank like a bunch of monkeys trying to rape a football".

They were all fooled, and remained fooled for several years while Pablo got load after load through with virtually no captures.

Harvest time

Ojinaga was always busy around harvest time. People came from all over to meet with Pablo or his associates and cut a deal, Pablo had his customers stay at the Motel Ojinaga or the Rohana Hotel and provided security to monitor their movements. Pablo never let his customers meet, preferring that each deal was done in private after they had selected the marijuana they wanted.

His customers from the USA were not hard to control, as the amount of Police and Army around at this time, frightened most of them into staying in their hotel rooms. Pablo liked to add to this fear, and would stride into their hotel rooms, playing the part of the violent Mexican bandido. He knew that instilling fear in them, would guarantee they paid up on time, especially if they thought he would rather shoot them than talk to them.

They knew the modus operandi of how the Pablo Acosta Organization liked to deal with enemies or those who didn't pay, and that kind of death was not high on their agendas. Pablo had the vehicle in which he was ambushed by Fermin Arevalo, mounted just outside the entrance to Ojinaga, and this served its purpose of endowing Pablo with an indestructible tab.

This is where Sammy Garcia would come in a deliver loads to any of Pablo's associates in the USA town that were connected to him. Sammy was having second thoughts, and wanted to turn legit and start a roofing company. Pablo even encouraged him to do it, saying that he would lend him the money to get the company started.

But at harvest time, Sammy would get the call from Pablo, and would head to Ojinaga knowing there was easy money to be earnt by those with quick wits. It was the violence that had prompted Sammy to retire from drug dealing, and Pablo had discussed with him that he too would like to leave the business and open some restaurants in Tijuana.

After Fermin was killed someone from the Arevalos in the USA offered Sammy twenty thousand dollars to kill Pablo, and while Pablo didn't know of the offer, he himself had offered Sammy a hundred thousand to kill the same Arevalo who had made the offer.

Sammy had avoided the Vietnam draft, but had embroiled himself into another more clandestine war, which none the less was racking  up large body counts. It seemed to him that Sicarios either got killed in combat or became hopeless heroin or cocaine addicts, as had both of Pablo's younger brothers, Hector Manuel and Armando.

Sammy had his mind made up for him, when Hector Manuel turned up shot in the stomach and out of his head on heroin. He and his brother Pedro had been in a gunfight with some indigenous marijuana growers up the mountains of Chihuahua. They were apparently cutting down plants in a field that they had not paid for, that was enough to start the gun fire exchange. Hector was pleading for a lift to his sisters house in Odessa.

Sammy agreed but only on the proviso that Hector would carry neither heroin or weapons on him, he told Hector to get his wife to cross that stuff for him, so Hector agreed and shot himself up with some more heroin before leaving with Sammy, then puked his guts out inside Sammy's vehicle while bleeding profusely.

After this event Sammy himself turned to drugs, crack, and his wife left him after he punched her so hard the back of her head left and indentation in the wall. Things were falling apart for Sammy and Pablo saw it coming and was not that surprised when soon after Sammy got caught transporting a load for La Tia, the wife of Manuel Acosta, who had been arrested in 1984.

She was supplying the heroin that Pablo's younger brothers were addicted to. Nobody else in Ojinaga had a supply. The brothers had been ripping of small amounts of Marijuana from Pablo and exchanging it for heroin with La Tia.

La Tia contacted Sammy and asked him to move a load for her urgently, when Sammy inspected the load he knew it was from Pablo's supply, and refused to move the load but promised to keep quiet about it, and agreed to supply another driver for the load.

The next day Sammy was getting a load of Pablo's ready at a ranch he owned on the outskirts of Ojinaga on the route to El Mulato.

Click to enlarge
Sammy decided on a river crossing, rather than go through the barrage of tests applied to pickups driven by single male drivers wearing jeans and Stetsons that were apparent on the Ojinaga-Presidio bridge crossing.

Sammy got mid-river and his vehicle conked out. He had to get someone with a tractor on the USA side to pull him out of the river. He continued on his planned route through Study Butte, then north on Highway 118.

He got stopped by law enforcement just outside Alpine in Brewster County, sheriffs pulled him up and told him they had suspicions that he was transporting Marijuana. The deputies had a tip off he was coming. Things started to get bizarre, they didn't take Sammy into custody but accompanied him to a local motel and made him pay for a room,

He was kept inside the room with guards outside, and when someone knocked on the door he answered it to find the parking lot filled with DEA agents. One scraped some paint off the propane tank by the outlet, and discovered some body filler. "Arrest him", he was locked up at the local county jailhouse, beaten then asked about the PAO.

He was told by the DEA that if he gave up five operatives from the PAO and a couple of river crossing places at Big Bend, he would be free by tomorrow. Sammy couldn't live with being a snitch, he knew the death he would suffer at the hands of Pablo's men was far worse than the treatment he might receive being prosecuted and imprisoned in the United States. Pablo might be a bandido but he always treated Sammy with respect.

Sammy was given eight years and locked up with Manuel, Pablo's uncle at the El Reno prison in Oklahoma. When he met Manuel, Manuel apologized for the actions of his wife La Tia. Apparently the deal offered Sammy was also offered to her, except the payoff was Manuel's release from prison.

Her modus operandi was to exchange heroin with Pedro's younger brothers for Marijuana, until she had accumulated enough for a load. Then she would find someone to run the load across the big bend, and give up the information to the DEA.

Sammy was convinced she had somehow found out about his intention to cross a load that day, and had informed on him to the DEA. When Pablo found out about it, he saw it as treachery and if she had not been the wife of his uncle she would have been tortured and killed. Pablo banished her from Ojinaga, but she had done it out of love for her husband and not for greed or material gain.

The butcher of Ojinaga

Marco Antonio Haro Portillo otherwise known as "El Carnicero de Ojinaga", had been interesting USA law enforcement since he had been named as the one who finished off Lili Arevalo, starting the "Arevalo war". As Pablo's head of Sicario's Marco was suspected of two murders in New Mexico during late 1983.

The double homicide occurred in a Hobbs shack one night when a man kicked in the door and shot the two male occupants in the head. He was also suspected of a murder in Odessa in 1985, and another in Lubbock.

All these victims were lacking a sense of self preservation as they had taken heroin on credit from Pablo, not paid him back and then boasted about it. Pablo was going to set an example of these men.

He was also well known in Ojinaga as a man to be feared. He had shot three men in a restaurant in downtown Ojinaga.

He had come to Ojinaga in 1976 from Sonora. he had been a bodyguard and driver for a Mexican Government Official in Sonoita, across from Lukeville, Arizona.

He was bringing too much heat on the Ojinaga Plaza and was sent away for a year, he worked for the Mexico City Federal Police, then came back and shacked up with Sammy Garcia's wife. They began growing Marijuana and paying Pablo a cut as piso.

They had a visit one day in their fields from Pablo, they had Mariachis, roasted a goat, drank cases of beers. Becky Garcia spoke imperfect Spanish and Marco at the time wanted people to call him El Principe de Leon, the Prince of Leon, Becky thought they were saying Pinche Pelon, and so the "Fucking Baldy" nickname stuck.

The Butcher of Ojinaga
Marco was unpredictable and would kill people at the slightest provocation, like non payment of debt on the day it was due. If the debt was one dollar or a hundred thousand dollars, to Mario the disrespect was the same and so was the punishment. Becky saw him kill several people at close quarters, he shot one debtor in the forehead from two feet from her then calmly got back in the car as though nothing had happened.

Becky asked him once if he felt any regret, lost any sleep, or had bad dreams over the people he had killed, all those grieving relatives, he simply replied "no they had to die".

The difference between Pablo and Marco is plain to see here, Pablo while playing the part of the bandido psychopath, was doing exactly that, playing the part because it fulfilled a business necessity for him. Marco just enjoyed killing people.


Thinking bigger with the Columbus air force

Becky had some contacts in the USA that could assist Pablo with logistics. Pablo realized that if he wanted to expand his business he needed to start thinking aircraft. Becky's friend Sal stole aircraft as part of an insurance scam. He and three pilots from " the Columbus air force", who were Vietnam vet pilots and could land just about any aircraft on any type of landing strip, and were well known by traffickers for the efficiency of what they did and the skill of their pilots.

They intimated their willingness to work with Pablo who they knew was the Padrino of Ojinaga. Sal stole a Cessna 182, changed the tail plane letter designations, then flew it down to Ojinaga and dropped it off to Pablo. The Columbus air force operated their own fleet of planes including vintage WW2 aircraft.

Despite his busy schedule Pablo managed to meet two of the pilots from the Columbus air force in Ojinaga at the Casa Chavez, one of his drug storage warehouses. The building was full of Pablo's gunmen armed with the normal tools of the trade, AR-15's, Ak 47's, Uzi's, .45 pistols and knives. Their job to stare with intense hostility at the visitors.

The pilots had been receiving $10,000 dollars US per load they had been moving from other traffickers but they had worked out a package for Pablo that would cost him $40,000 per load.
This would involve them picking up half a ton of marijuana per time, in Mexico and flying it north to the USA in a twin engine aircraft.

They would arrange a crew to load the drugs in Mexico, a crew to unload and store the drugs in the USA until Pablo had arranged for its delivery. They would also deliver it to its final destination for an extra fee.

The Columbus air force knew the risks, at this time the Mexican Customs dept. had a fleet of pursuit aircraft that were shooting down drug dealers flying loads north and the commander of the Department was known by the nickname "The Red Baron".

The pilots bartered with Pablo for the price per load, Pablo was only interested in paying ten for the first two loads, then if they could deliver on their promises, he would pay them the forty they asked.

Becky intervened to ask the pilots not to interrupt Pablo, and they disrespected her. Marco immediately switched into hit man mode, but Pablo waved him off. Pablo left the meeting there, and said that he would speak to them another time. In the vehicle on the way back to the Ojinaga motel, the pilots said of Pablo, "you made his sound like he owned northern Mexico. He is just a penny - ass border punk".

Marco who was driving, eye's lit up with hatred, a sign Becky had seen many times, Becky reminded them not to speak about Pablo in that manner, while Marco removed his .45 from his waistband laid it next to him on the centre console and tapped the barrel near the receiver.

Marco exploded when he and Becky got to their hotel room, he wanted to kill them so bad he could taste it, in reality Pablo couldn't give a fuck if they were from the USAF, if they wanted to run drugs for Pablo they would take five thousand each for the first two loads, then forty thousand for the third plus the extra ten thousand missing from the first two load payments. They finally agreed to Pablo's terms.

Pablo Acosta "El Zorra de Ojinaga" Part 3 coming soon.

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